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Monument to Hood's Texas Brigade 

Now being erected on the Capitol Grounds at Austin, Texas, 

by The McNeel Marble Company, of Marietta, Georgia. 

The monument will he dedicated May 7, 1910, 

with vState-wide ceremonies 







Hood's Texas Brigade 

1 rr ii.i. ii- OtalCaiB 

Its Marches Its Battles 
Its Achievements 



Author of " A Soldier's Letters to Charming Nellie" 


. nrff 





Copyright, 1910, by 




Preface 9 

I. Introductory IS 

II. Fredericksburg — Yorktown — Eltham's Landing . . 20 

III. Richmond — Seven Pines — Gaines' Mill .... 29 

IV. Gaines' Mill 40 

V. Savage Station, Frayser's Farm, Malvern Hill, Kelly's 

Ford, Freeman's Ford, Thoroughfare Gap, Second 

Manassas 71 

VI. Second Manassas, Continued . . 87 

VII. Sharpsburg, or Antietam . 112 

VIII. Fredericksburg and Suffolk 136 

IX. Gettysburg 149 

X. Gettysburg, Continued 166* 

XI. Gettysburg to Chickamauga 190 

XII. Chattanooga and Knoxville 213 

XIII. The Wilderness — Spottsylvania — Cold Harbor — 

Petersburg 228 

XIV. Charles City Road, Darbytown Road, Chaffin's Farm, 

Williamsburg Road 249 

XV. Appomattox 269 

XVI. Addenda 283 



Monument to Hood's Texas Brigade . Facing half title page 

General Hood Frontispiece 


John H. Kirby 12 

Albert Sneed 20 

John M. Pinckney 32 

Billy Pearce 38 

E. K. Goree 48 

George S. Quails 60 

John Coleman Roberts 84 

Ben M. Baker 90 

Dick Pinckney 114 

L. P. Hughes 116 

William R. Hamby 130 

B. Eldridge 132 

W. W. Henderson 144 

R. M. Powell 164 

John D. Murray 200 

J. T. Hunter 204 

W. H. Burges 220 

J. B. Polley 258 

W. T. Hill 274 

Sam R. Burroughs 288 

F. B. Chilton 292 

George W. Littlefield 294 

F. B. Chilton 328 


Bidden to write " a fair and impartial history of Hood's 
Texas Brigade," the author submits the following pages as the 
result of his labors. While painfully conscious of many imper- 
fections in his work, he yet congratulates himself on having 
made both an honest and an earnest effort to tell a true story. 
That the thread of it is spun almost entirely out of material 
furnished by the memories and diaries of himself and his com- 
rades, and is not strengthened by many references to or quo- 
tations from official records, is due to the lack of such records. 
Little documentary evidence as to the services of the command 
was saved out of the wreck and upheaval following upon the 
retreat of Lee's army from Petersburg and its surrender at 
Appomattox. The loss, however, is not likely to be regretted 
— the majority of readers being more interested in what is done 
than in the how and the wherefore of it. 

Events are related in the order of their occurrence ; and since 
" deeds speak louder than words," the privilege of character- 
izing the conduct and performances of individuals, singly and 
collectively, is left to the reader. Fortitude and courage, trial, 
endurance, hardship and privation, speak for themselves and 
need no aid from adjectives and adverbs. Much has been 
omitted that, forty years ago, would have been of interest, 
but now would burden the story, and only such movements and 
operations of the Confederate armies are mentioned as are 
necessary to show the relation of Hood's Texas Brigade to 
other commands. The righteousness of the cause for which it 
fought and suffered is taken as granted and confessed by every 
fair-minded native-born American. 

In brief, the effort of the author has been to relate the acts 
and achievements of the Southern soldiers whose place was at 
the front, on the firing line — his own feelings being in perfect 
accord with those of the writer of the following verses : 



" While over the Southland the voices 
Of speakers and poets let fall 
The accents of praise for the chieftain, 
So richly deserving it all, 
I think it would please the great captain 
If he could look down here and see 
That some one remembers his heroes, 
The privates that tramped it with Lee. 

" How oft in his tent at the midnight 
He plotted the brilliant campaign, 
How oft, ere the daylight was dawning, 
They followed in sleet and in rain — 
How often they rushed into battle, 
Their hearts in a tumult of glee, 
The steady, the ready old fellows — 
The privates that tramped it with Lee. 

" Tho' mighty the brain in its schemes, 
The feet at its bidding must run; 
The victories on paper are proven 
By privates that level the gun. 
So, great as the captain we honor 
(And great may his fame ever be !) 
'Tis shared by the shaggy old heroes — 
The privates that tramped it with Lee. 

" 'Tis easy in shock of the battle 
To pass out of life with a smile, 
A hero secure of his laurels; 
But to sweat with the rank and the file, 
And afterwards live and be patient, 
Still struggling, appeareth to me 
Yet nobler; and such be the fellows, 
The privates that tramped it with Lee. 

" They followed their dauntless commander, 
Him who to the warrior's art 
United the lore of the scholar 
And the patriot's temperate heart; 


And yet in their zealous devotion 
These men were as great as he, 
These grizzled, grim, veteran soldiers, 
These privates that tramped it with Lee. 

The frosts of the winter are whitening 

The locks that the bullets once kissed; 

And soon they .will meet with a f oeman 

The stoutest can never resist. 

To us they'll bequeath inspiration 

When at length, mustered out, they are free 

To cross over the River of Silence 

And tramp it again there with Lee. 

And so, if the General is conscious 
Of things that are done here below, 
He'd be glad if the speakers and poets 
Some sprigs of their laurels bestow 
On such as did win him the glory, 
And back him from mountain to sea, 
On them, both the dead and the living, 
The privates that tramped it with Lee.'* 

Hon. John H. Kirby 

A member of the Monument Committee, who subscribed 
$5,000 to the Monument Fund 





Among the Texas troops who bore a conspicuous part in 
the war between the States were the First, Fourth, and Fifth 
regiments of infantry. They fought in Virginia, Maryland, 
Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Tennessee, and were the only rep- 
resentatives of their State in the Army of Northern Virginia. 
Brigaded at first with the Eighteenth Georgia and Hampton's 
Legion of South Carolinians, and, after the transfer of these 
commands, with the Third Arkansas, they adopted and yet 
claim as a distinctive title the name of Hood's Texas Brigade. 

Of the details of their organization but brief mention will 
be made. The twelve companies that composed the First 
Texas may be said to have straggled to Virginia, where, in 
the early months of 1861, it was believed the one decisive bat- 
tle of the war would be fought. They went singly, in couples, 
and in triplets ; but although all arrived in Richmond by June 
1, 1861, they were not ordered to the front until July 21, the 
day the first battle on the fields of Manassas was fought, and 
so did not reach the Southern army in time to take part in 
that engagement. Thence, with L. T. Wigfall as colonel, 
Hugh McLeod as lieutenant-colonel, and A. T. Rainey as 
major, the First Texas was ordered to the extreme right of 
the Confederate line, taking position near Dumfries, Va., as 
support to masked batteries at Cockpit Point. 

Wigfall was a politician without military training; McLeod 
• was a valiant soldier in the Texas revolution of 1836, com- 
manded the Santa Fe expedition of 1841, and had languished 
as a captive in the prison of Perote ; Rainey was a lawyer, 
eminent in his profession. Wigfall, having been elected a 
senator in the Confederate Congress, resigned his commission 
in January, 1861. McLeod died about the same date. May 
12, 1862, the regiment reinlisted and reorganized, electing 
Rainey as its colonel, Captain P. A. Work as its lieutenant- 

lo \^r N 


colonel, and Captain Matt. Dale as its major. That, as will 
be seen, was five days after the battle of Eltham's Landing. 

The companies that composed the Fourth and Fifth Texas 
were organized as early as those in the First Texas, and 
would have proceeded to Virginia as soon but for the refusal 
of the Confederate authorities to accept their services in that 
field. After the First Texas arrived in Richmond, though, Mr. 
Davis decided to accept two more regiments from Texas, and 
the Fourth and Fifth were at once mustered in — Mr. Davis 
reserving, however, the right to appoint the field officers of 
each. They arrived in Richmond in September, 1861, and 
immediately there was a rush of gentlemen more or less prom- 
inent in political affairs to the seat of government, each ap- 
plying and hoping for appointments to such positions. But 
all were disappointed. Not one of their number had taken 
any interest in either regiment prior to its departure from 
Texas, and as they failed to secure any indorsement of their 
claims from the rank and file of the two commands, President 
Davis acted on his own judgment, and appointed John B. 
Hood colonel of the Fourth Texas, John Marshall its lieu- 
tenant-colonel, and Bradfute Warwick its major; Jas. J. 
Archer colonel of the Fifth Texas, Jerome B. Robertson its 
lieutenant-colonel, and Q. T. Quattlebaum its major. 

Hood and Archer had resigned from the United States 
regular army and offered their services to the Confederacy. 
Both were young, gallant, and capable, and each was liked by 
his regiment. John Marshall was a newspaper man, and, save 
courage, had no qualifications for military command. Jerome 
B. Robertson was by profession a physician, but had gone to 
Texas early enough to join in the pursuit, with a company 
of Kentuckians commanded by him, of the Mexicans after 
their retreat from San Jacinto. Later, in 1839 and 1840, he 
assisted, as commander of a regiment, in repelling the fre- 
quent invasions of Mexicans and Indians, and was one of the 
first to raise a company for Confederate service. Bradfute 
Warwick was a Virginian, wealthy and adventurous. Edu- 
cated as a physician, he traveled extensively through Europe, 
and finally joined the Italian patriot, Garibaldi, and was given 
a commission in his army, first as a surgeon, and next as a 
captain. Quattlebaum was a graduate of West Point, but 


of his record little is known, as, at his own request, he was 
transferred to another field of service within a week after his 
assignment to the Fifth Texas. 

Thenceforward, promotions among the commissioned officers 
of the three Texas regiments were in the order of seniority. 
The only promotions for merit were in cases where company 
elections were held to determine who should fill places made 
vacant by death, disablement, transfer, or resignation. To 
these might be added an occasional promotion from the ranks 
to an adjutancy, and when, in 1864, color-bearers were enti- 
tled to commissions as lieutenants, of privates to the rank of 
color-bearers and lieutenants. Under the rule of seniority it 
happened that toward the close of the war the junior captain 
of a regiment often became a field officer of his regiment. No 
instance can be cited in Hood's Texas Brigade, and few in any 
other command, where higher rank was gained by regimental 
and company officers on account of their merit. As long as 
an officer remained with his command he took rank only by 
seniority. This statement applies, of course, only to the 
Texans. At the beginning of the war there was little law to 
govern such matters, and commissions were frequently granted 
by President Davis to men for whom places only could be 
found in this, that, or the other of the many regiments ad- 
mittedly lacking competent officers. 

Colonels Hood and Archer took command, respectively, of 
the Fourth and Fifth Texas regiments in October, 1861, hold- 
ing them in camp near Richmond, and drilling and disciplin- 
ing them, until about the last of November. Then they 
marched them over to Dumfries, Va., where they were brigaded 
with the First Texas and the Eighteenth Georgia regiment, 
under command of Brigadier-General L. T. Wigfall. Of their 
stay there in winter-quarters during the winter of 1861-2 
much might be told that would be interesting as reminiscences 
of a far-distant past to the few hundred survivors of the com- 
mand, but would hardly prove entertaining to the general 
reader. Their experiences differed little from those of other 
Confederate commands at that early stage of the war. What 
difference there was may be attributed to the fact that Gen- 
eral Wigfall's imagination was too often quickened by deep 
potations to be reliable. The colder the night and the more 


metallic the rustling of the pine tops above his quarters, the 
more plainly he could hear the rattling of oars in the oar-locks 
of boats transporting Federal troops across the Potomac who 
were bent on capturing Cockpit Point, and but for the re- 
straining influence of Colonels Hood and Archer he would have 
had the brigade on the double-quick twice a week while he re- 
mained in command. 

As it was, he sent the Fifth Texas on a tramp in the dark 
through mud more than ankle-deep, one bitter cold night, down 
to the Point. Colonel Hood, however, surmised that the order 
was based either on false intelligence or imagination, and 
therefore did not move the Fourth Texas. To a certain ex- 
tent, however, Wigfall was excusable. The First Texas had 
run him half-crazy with its unwillingness to submit to the rig- 
orous discipline he would have enforced, and, in addition, but 
previous to the arrival of the Fourth and Fifth, had manu- 
factured more than one false alarm just to see what he would 
do. One night indeed, grown tired of inaction and longing 
for excitement, the boys of the First took French leave of 
their officers, and went in a body across the Potomac, and 
there waked up not only General Sickles and the Union troops 
then under his command, but spread consternation on the 
streets of Washington city by the report circulated by them- 
selves that they were the advance guard. of the Confederate 
army. General Sickles assembled his troops in battle array 
and called lustily for reinforcements, and these were on the 
way when daylight came and revealed the absence of a single 
Confederate on his side of the river. In brief, the Texans 
went over " on a lark," and, having enjoyed it, returned to 
their quarters before daylight, and for many months the ques- 
tion with Wigfall and the equally ignorant officers of the 
First Texas was, Who was it that kicked up such a row among 
our friends, the enemy? 

Among the Federal troops then wintering in Maryland op- 
posite Cockpit Point was Duryea's Fifth New York Zouaves. 
Several times during the winter ice formed on the Potomac 
thick enough to bear the weight of a man, and far enough 
out from the shore on either side to let members of the 
Fifth Texas and the Zouaves get within easy hearing distance 
of each other. While always in good humor, the conversa- 


tions were, as a rule, made up of boasts of what one regiment 
would do to the other should they ever meet in battle, as it 
was earnestly hoped they would. " We'll wipe your regiment 
off the face of the earth," threatened the Zouaves. " We'll 
cover the ground with your ring-streaked and striped bodies," 
counter-threatened the Texans. Which regiment made good, 
and how, will be told in its proper place. 

Much sickness prevailed among the Texans — more, perhaps, 
than in commands from the Southern Atlantic States and from 
Tennessee, where the winters were 'so nearly equal in severity 
to those of Virginia. Measles and pneumonia caused the death 
of many brave young men. Diarrhea led the way to the more 
fatal complaints. At one time there were not exceeding 
twenty-five men fit for duty in the Fifth Texas, although it 
had in camp fully eight hundred men. Nevertheless, much 
scouting was done, and the enemy was kept in constant appre- 
hension. On one occasion, a party of nine Texans were sur- 
rounded by Federal cavalry, and driven for refuge into a 
house. But they had no thought of surrender. All day long 
they held the Federal regiment at bay. Night was coming 
on, though, and to make sure of escape, one of their number 
climbed to the top of the building. Standing there, he called 
to his comrades in a tone loud enough to be heard by the 
enemy : " Keep on shooting, boys — a whole brigade of Con- 
federate cavalry is just beyond the creek, and it'll be here in 
a few minutes." Hearing the announcement, and not doubt- 
ing its truth, the Federal commander called his men into line 
of battle, and taking advantage of the movement, the Texans 
made a run for it to the timbered valley of a little creek, 
where, protected by the trees, they could bid defiance to their 
mounted assailants. 

At winter-quarters time hung heavily on the hands of some, 
lightly on those of others. After a house for each mess in 
each company was built, there was to be done the fatigue duty 
needed to keep the camp in good sanitary condition, guard 
duty night and day around the camp, and picketing at Cock- 
pit Point, each regiment of the brigade in its turn. In addi- 
tion, when the weather was favorable and the ground dry 
enough, there was company and regimental drill. Both to 
give the men employment and to train them in soldierly ways, 


Colonels Hood and Archer insisted on daily guard mountings 
and dress parades. In the way of indoor amusements there 
were cards, checkers, backgammon, and chess, and, with the 
cards, more or less gambling for small stakes. The Richmond 
press was enterprising, and daily papers supplied the news, 
and in discussing these, announcing and listening to plans of 
campaigns and comments and criticisms on this, that, and the 
other subject, there was little time given to such solitary com- 
munings with one's self as so often encourages discontent and 
gloom. The one monotony was the staying in one place — the 
grievous lack was feminine society. 

In preparations for active operations in the field, there was 
a general shifting about of commands. Among the orders 
issued was one placing together, as a division to be com- 
manded by the senior brigadier-general, of the Texas Brigade 
and that of General W. H. C. Whiting. Whiting's brigade — 
the Third Brigade it is often called in reports — was then com- 
posed of the Fourth Alabama, the Sixth North Carolina, and 
the Second and Eleventh Mississippi regiments. While each 
of these regiments had taken a prominent and gallant part 
in the battle of First Manassas, one of them, the Fourth Ala- 
bama, was the command in appealing to which at that engage- 
ment General Bernard E. Bee fixed upon Jackson the sobri- 
quet of " Stonewall." Whiting, as ranking officer, assumed 
command of the division, Colonel E. M. Law, of the Fourth 
Alabama, commanding the Whiting brigade. Thenceforward 
until after the seven days of battle around Richmond, the divi- 
sion was known and spoken of as " Whiting's division." After 
those battles Whiting was not with the division, and Hood 
commanding it, it came to be known as " Hood's division," 
and Whiting's brigade came to be known as " Law's brigade." 
In October, 186&, Hood was made major-general of a division 
composed of Law's, the Texas, Benning's, and Anderson's 
brigades. At the same time Law was made a brigadier- 
general and assigned to the command of the old Whiting 
brigade, and Colonel Jerome B. Robertson, of the Fifth Texas, 
was also made a brigadier-general and given command of the 
Texas Brigade. 

The Eighteenth Georgia regiment was composed of com- 
panies hailing from middle Georgia. Its field officers were 


Colonel William T. Wofford, Lieutenant-Colonel S. Z. Ruff, 
and Major Jefferson Johnson. It was transferred from the 
Texas Brigade, after the battle of Sharpsburg, to one com- 
posed entirely of Georgia troops, and of which Colonel Wof- 
ford was made brigadier-general. A brave and gallant com- 
mand while in the Texas Brigade, it continued the same 
throughout the war. 

Hampton's Legion, as originally organized, consisted of 
seven companies of infantry, four of cavalry, and one of artil- 
lery. During the spring of 186&, this organization was dis- 
solved. The infantry companies, retaining the name of 
" Hampton's Legion," were formed into a battalion, and as- 
signed to the Texas Brigade before the seven days' battles 
around Richmond. To it was added another company of 
infantry, Company H. Its field officers were Lieutenant- 
Colonel Martin W. Gary, and Major Harvey Dingle. About 
the close of Longstreet's Knoxville campaign, the Legion was 
mounted, and ordered to report for duty at Richmond, Va., 
under Brigadier-General Martin W. Gary. As infantry the 
Legion had a grit, a staying quality, and a dash that was 
admirable, and as cavalry it maintained its reputation as a 
hard fighter. 


Fredericksburg — Yorktown — Eltham's Landing 

The winter of 1861-2, in the latitude of Virginia, was one of 
great length and severity. The Texans, however, soon grew 
fairly well inured to the cold, and after the Christmas holi- 
days there was a speedy return of health and appetite — the 
latter finding pleasant regalement and ample satisfaction in 
the abundance, variety and excellent quality of the rations then 
issued and obtainable. In brief, they were beginning to feel in 
a measure " to the manner born," and very much " at home," 
when, about the first days of March, 1862, a rumor spread that 
some general movement of the Southern army was in imme- 
diate contemplation. That rumor was based on fact. Gen- 
eral George B. McClellan, the so-called " Young Napoleon of 
the West," was now in command of the Federal army. Aban- 
doning all thought of another " on to Richmond " by the 
Manassas route, he planned to concentrate his forces on the 
peninsula below Yorktown, and thence move on the Confeder- 
ate capital by a route lying between the York and James 
Rivers. To place his army in position to meet this movement 
General Jos. E. Johnston, the Confederate commander, made 
preparations to withdraw from the Manassas line to the south 
side of the Rappahannock, and in his injudicious haste sacri- 
ficed immense stores of military supplies. 

The Texas Brigade bade farewell to its winter-quarters on 
the morning of March 8, 1862, and after a march of two days 
over snow-covered ground encamped four miles northwest of 
Fredericksburg. In the meantime, Wigfall had resigned his 
commission as brigadier-general, and to fill the vacancy thus 
created, President Davis promoted Hood to the rank of briga- 
dier and assigned him to the command of the brigade. A few 
days after he assumed command, our Texas scouts reported 
that Federal General Sickles, with one or more brigades of 
infantry, had crossed the Potomac at or near Cockpit Point, 



Company F, Fourth Texas Regiment 



and was moving toward Fredericksburg. Too ambitious to 
neglect so favorable an opportunity to display his general- 
ship, and at the same time test the fighting qualities of his 
command, General Hood at once sought and obtained per- 
mission from his superiors to lead the Texas Brigade across 
the Rappahannock and teach the enemy a lesson. Our march 
was rapid, but not a man lagged by the wayside. It was a 
" wild-goose " chase, though ; General Sickles not only heard of 
our approach in his direction in time to evade an attack, but 
must also have heard the threatening boasts of his presumedly 
blood-thirsty antagonists ; at any rate, when the brigade came 
to the place where he was said to be encamped, he was not 
there, having beat a hasty retreat to the shelter of gunboats 
on the Potomac. The Texas Brigade, therefore, had no re- 
course but to return to its camp and await another chance 
to show its mettle. 

General Magruder, who with about ten thousand Confed- 
erates was holding McClellan at bay on the Peninsula, now 
began to call for assistance. Magruder's line extended from 
the York River at Yorktown, the scene of CornwalhV surrender 
to General George Washington during the Revolutionary War, 
to the James River on the south, a distance of twelve or fifteen 
miles. Because the abandonment of that line would expose 
Norfolk to capture, Mr. Davis insisted on holding it. General 
Johnston deemed such an attempt inadvisable; flanked as the 
narrow peninsula was by the York and James Rivers, the one 
navigable as high up as West Point, and the other all the way 
up to Richmond, it would be a trap, he argued, for the Con- 
federate army. Heavily fortified as was Yorktown at the 
mouth of York River, its guns could not be relied on to block 
the way of gunboats into that stream. That way once 
opened, Federal troops might be landed at points along the 
stream whence by a march of a few miles they could cut the 
Confederates off from Richmond. But Mr. Davis was not 
only commander-in-chief, but insistent, and obeying his orders, 
Johnston moved his army to Yorktown. 

The Texas Brigade moved from Fredericksburg on the 8th 
day of April, going by railroad to a point near Richmond, and 
thence marching to Yorktown. It was the first long tramp it 
had been called on to undertake, and as the roads were too 


sandy to afford firm footholds, it arrived at its destination on 
the 15th, footsore and tired. Fortunately for its comfort, 
it was assigned to no specific duty. Troops which had pre- 
ceded it had relieved Magruder's weary soldiers. Its ad- 
venturous spirits, however, were not content to spend their 
time in idleness, and so sought sport and excitement in sharp- 
shooting and scouting. Armed as most of the Texans were 
with Minnie and Enfield rifles, and accustomed as they were 
to the use of fire-arms from their earliest boyhood, their marks- 
manship proved so superior to that of the Federals that it was 
not long before their appearance on the firing line was hailed 
with delight by their comrade Confederates, and viewed with 
apprehension by the Federals. 

About the first of May General Johnston received informa- 
tion that his opponent, General McClellan, had ordered a gen- 
eral advance of his army. Delaying only long enough to 
make sure of McClellan's intentions, General Johnston on 
the 3rd of May ordered the retreat of the Confederate army. 
But since to the Texas Brigade was assigned the honor of being 
the rear guard on the road leading from Yorktown to Wil- 
liamsburg, twelve miles above, it did not move until daylight 
of the 4th. Formed into line then, it made good use of its 
legs, and by 10 a. m. overtook the troops under General Long- 
street which had halted four miles short of Williamsburg — their 
object to check the advance of the enemy and give time for 
the wagon trains to get beyond the danger line. But the 
Texas Brigade came to no halt ; instead, it went steadily on, 
and taking a right hand road, left Williamsburg to its left — 
its objective point, the York River at or near Eltham's Land- 
ing, where, it was believed by General Johnston, McClellan 
would make a prompt effort to land a sufficient force to inter- 
cept the Confederate retreat and probably capture its wagon 
and artillery trains. The event proved the truth of the sur- 
mise, for on the morning of May 7 a large part of Franklin's 
Federal division landed there. 

On the morning of the 6th the Texas Brigade encamped in 
the forest, within two miles of the landing. During that day 
and the following night General Hood located the point at 
which the landing would be attempted, and early the next 
morning led the brigade, in advance of all other troops, to- 


ward it. His own account of the battle that ensued is to be 
found in his book, " Advance and Retreat " : 

" While in bivouac opposite West Point, General Whiting 
informed me that a large body of the enemy had disembarked 
at Eltham's Landing ; that our cavalry was on picket upon the 
high ground overlooking the valley of the York River, and 
instructed me to move my brigade in that direction, and drive 
the enemy back if he attempted to advance from under cover 
of his gunboats. Pursuant to imperative orders, the men had 
not been allowed to march with loaded guns during the re- 
treat. On the 7th, at the head of my command, I proceeded 
in the direction of Eltham's, with the intention to halt and 
load the muskets upon our arrival at the cavalry outpost. I 
soon reached the rear of a small cabin upon the crest of the 
hill, where I found one of our cavalrymen half asleep. The 
head of the column, marching by the right flank, with the 
Fourth Texas in the front, was not more than twenty 
or thirty paces in my rear, when, simultaneously with my 
arrival at the station of this cavalry picket, a skirmish line, 
supported by a large body of the enemy, met me face to face. 
The slope from the cabin toward the York River was abrupt, 
and consequently, I did not discover the Federals till we were 
almost close enough to shake hands. I leaped from my horse, 
ran to the head of my column, then about fifteen paces in rear, 
gave the command, 6 Forward into line,' and ordered the men 
to load. The Federals immediately opened fire, but halted 
as they perceived our long line in rear. Meanwhile, a corporal 
of the enemy drew down his musket upon me as I stood in 
front of my line. John Deal, a private in Company A, Fourth 
Texas, had fortunately, in this instance, but contrary to 
orders, charged his rifle before leaving camp ; he instantly 
killed the corporal, who fell within a few feet of me. At 
the time I ordered the leading regiment to change front for- 
ward on the first company, I also sent directions to the troops 
in rear to follow up the movement and load their arms, which 
was promptly executed. The brigade then gallantly advanced, 
and drove the Federals, within the space of about two hours, a 
distance of one mile and a half to the cover of their gunboats. 
When we struck their main line quite a spirited engagement 
took place, which, however, proved to be only a temporarj 7 


stand before attaining the immediate shelter of their vessels of 
war. Hampton's Brigade, near the close of the action, came 
to our support, and performed efficient service on the right." 

In closing his account, General Hood says : " This affair, 
which brought the brigade so suddenly and unexpectedly under 
fire for the first time, served as a happy introduction to the 
enemy." To that statement he might have added that it was 
also the first time that he himself commanded in battle a larger 
force than a single regiment, and had an opportunity to dis- 
play his generalship. To do justice both to himself and the 
Texas Brigade, he should have gone more into detail. A pri- 
vate of the Fourth Texas gives the following particulars: 

" We marched out of camp that morning, at daylight, each 
of us wondering where we were going, and not a soul of us 
suspecting that an enemy was near. We went about a mile 
and a half, and the Fourth Texas in advance, were passing 
through a field dotted with pine stumps, and approaching a 
house situated on the crest of the hill overlooking York River 
valley. Hood and some member of his staff, and perhaps a 
courier or two, rode about fifty yards ahead of Company A, 
the leading company. To the left of the road, and about 
forty yards from the house, sat a cavalryman, apparently fast 
asleep on the back of his steed. Hood rode on by him, but 
had not gone ten steps when a party of Federals, fifteen or 
twenty in number, sprang from behind the house, and fired a 
volley at us. For a second, consternation prevailed. Not a 
man of us had his gun loaded, and there was a pell-mell scat- 
tering to take shelter behind the many stumps. Hood 
wheeled his horse, and shouting, ' Fall into line, men — fall into 
line,' came dashing back at full speed toward us. Half wa} r 
to us, he noticed that nobody was paying any attention to 
him, and he shouted, ' Get into line, men — get into line, Fourth 
Texas! Is my old regiment going to play hell right here?' 
Just then a Yankee stepped out from behind the house, and 
seeing him, John Deal — the one and only one of us that had 
a loaded gun — dropped to his knees, took careful aim and 
laid the daring fellow low. In another second every gun in 
the command was loaded, and the men began moving into line, 
and having formed a semblance of one, rushed forward to the 
crest of the hill and commenced firing at the Yankees now in 


swift retreat across an open field in the valley between us and 
heavily timbered land. The other regiments of our brigade 
moved quickly up on the right of the Fourth, and within five 
minutes such of the Federal skirmishers as were not killed or 
wounded had fallen back to the protection of the timber. 

" Hood then ordered forward a skirmish line, and following 
it, we crossed the open field in the valley and gained the tim- 
ber beyond. Then, the Fourth Texas, the only regiment 
whose movements I know anything about, began hunting for 
the enemy. But although there was an abundance of Yankees 
near us, as was evident from the firing on our right and left, 
not one of them appeared in front of the Fourth. Its only 
loss was from the volley fired at us on top of the hill. By that, 
one man was seriously wounded. The same volley, I have al- 
ways understood, killed Captain Denny, the commissary of the 
Fifth Texas. As to that, I cannot speak positively; I was 
having my first experience in being shot at, and was therefore 
observant of only what occurred in my own regiment, and 
near at hand. In saying that the other regiments of the bri- 
gade moved quickly up on the right of the Fourth Texas, I 
may be in error, for one or the other of them might have 
formed on its left." 

As adjutant of the Fifth Texas, Lieutenant Campbell Wood 
should be good authority concerning the movements of his 
regiment. Writing of the events of the day, he says: 

" I am positively certain that the Fifth Texas was assigned 
to the duty of opening the battle. I am equally certain that 
no other regiment went in with us, or was at any time during 
the battle aligned with us. The Fifth was drawn up in line 
in an old field or meadow back of a little village, when, riding 
out in front of it, Colonel Archer said : ; Fifth Texas, I have 
sought and obtained permission for you to open the ball this 
morning.' Then he gave the orders, ' Right face, file left — 
Forward ! March ! ' We moved across the opening, and soon 
struck the timber, taking a road on each side of which was 
a dense thicket of undergrowth in full leaf. No skirmishers 
or scouts advanced in front of us, and judging from that fact, 
I could not believe a battle was imminent. I forgot to say 
that before giving the command, ' Forward,' Colonel Archer 
ordered the men to load their guns, but not to cap them. 


" We marched down the road toward West Point in column 
of four ranks, Colonel Archer and Captain Denny rode at the 
head of the regiment, and I trudged along on foot, imme- 
diately behind Archer. Archer and Denny rode slowly, and 
the men kept close up, talking a little as was usual on a march. 
Just as we approached quite near to an old shack of a house, 
a Federal sergeant and eight men jumped from behind it and 
fired a volley at us. All their bullets excepting one went wild, 
but that one struck and killed Captain Denny, and he fell from 
his horse. Archer immediately ordered the men to cap their 
guns. Many of them, however, had capped theirs when they 
loaded them, and these men sprang from the ranks and fired 
at our assailants, killing and mortally wounding every one 
of them. 

" Breaking into a double-quick, and following close on the 
heels of two or three men Archer had ordered to keep well in 
advance of us, we went forward several hundred yards and 
halted. Here we caught a glimpse of some troops in line to 
the left of our front, and some of our men began to fire at 
them. Colonel Archer put an instant stop to the firing, being 
uncertain whether the parties aimed at were friends or foes, 
and ordered me to take the first platoon of Company D and 
deploy it in skirmish line to the right of the road. He also, 
I think, ordered Lieutenant W. T. Hill, or Captain Powell, to 
deploy the second platoon of the same company on the left 
of the road. Just at this juncture a couple of young fellows 
came running to us from our left, to tell us that it was Hamp- 
ton's Legion that was out there. Archer told me that he 
thought the First Texas was somewhere on our right, and 
cautioned me not to fire on it. 

" But the First Texas was not on our right, as I soon ascer- 
tained and reported; it was the Ninety-fifth Pennsylvania 
Bucktails. Archer ordered me to give them h — 11 and the boys 
of my platoon did it, for when formed in line of battle the 
Fifth was struggling through the undergrowth, it passed and 
counted forty dead bucktails, killed by my platoon in its first 
volley. The undergrowth was so thick that we could see 
but a little way ahead. While the regiment was thus ad- 
vancing, I located the whereabouts of the First Texas by the 
sound of Colonel Rainey's voice, but whether it came from 


the right or left, I am not sure. I did not see him, or the 
First Texas, but I heard him call out to his men, in the shrill, 
penetrating voice that was so peculiar to him : ' G — d d — n it, 
boys ! Swing around there on the right ! The Je-e-e-sus ! 
Did you hear that bullet ? ' 

" The Fifth continued its advance to the river, where the men 
now pretty well exhausted by their long run over and through 
the undergrowth, laid down in a cedar thicket, so near the 
gunboats that we could see the smoke from their smokestacks, 
and hear the puffing of the steam from their boilers. The fire 
of their guns, of course, passed over us. 

" While lying in the cedar thicket, some troops came up 
within thirty yards of our right flank, and formed in line fac- 
ing the river. Thinking they were one of the regiments of 
our brigade, I walked up pretty close to them and asked what 
regiment it was. ' Eighteenth Ohio,' came the reply, clear-cut 
and distinct. I immediately reported the fact to Colonel 
Archer, and when he had taken a near enough look at them to 
see they wore blue, he ordered the regiment to move as quietly 
as possible to the rear, which they did, and an hour later the 
Fifth got in line with the other regiments of the brigade." 

Lieutenant Wood's account is not so widely at variance 
with that of General Hood as to require any effort to recon- 
cile them. At best, Hood's is but a partial account, many 
things having happened that day which are unmentioned. 
General Hood owed Colonel Archer a good turn. At the time 
he was promoted to a generalcy, Archer ranked him by senior- 
ity, and was thus entitled to the promotion in preference to 
Hood. But as Hood gracefully says in his " Advance and 
Retreat," when Archer learned of Hood's advancement, he 
went immediately to that officer's tent, and warmly congratu- 
lating him, expressing his entire willingness to serve under him. 
It was in appreciation of this self-abnegation on the part of 
Colonel Archer, that Hood gave him, at Eltham's Landing, the 
privilege of " opening the ball " with the Fifth Texas. 

However, " Man proposes and God disposes." Even if the 
Fifth Texas was first to advance, and went further than other 
regiments, it was the First Texas that bore the brunt of the 
battle of the day ; for it was the only regiment that came 
squarely up against a battle line of the Federals, and face to 


face with it, struggled for and won the victory. Its greater 
loss than any other regiment attests the greater risk it en- 
countered, and the courage it exhibited. While the Fourth 
Texas lost but one killed and one wounded, and the Fifth 
Texas two killed, five wounded and two missing, the First 
Texas lost fifteen killed, nineteen wounded — more than three 
times as many as both the other Texas regiments. Among its 
killed was Lieutenant-Colonel H. H. Black. 

What part in the affair the Eighteenth Georgia took, and 
whether it suffered any loss, cannot be stated. It is probable 
that it was held in reserve. 


Richmond — Seven Pines — Gaines' Mill 

Two hours before dawn of the 8th of May, the Texas Bri- 
gade was quietly awakened by its officers, and ordered to form 
in line as quickly and silently as possible, in readiness for 
rapid marching. No noise was to be made, for during the 
night the Federals had landed in large force and pushed for- 
ward to the hill-tops, and only by the stealthiest of movements 
could we hope to escape without a fight against overwhelming 
numbers. In checking the landing and the advance of the 
enemy on the previous day, we had accomplished all that was 
desired. Our wagon and artillery trains were far on their 
way to Richmond, and the troops under Longstreet, whom we 
had passed beyond Williamsburg, had held McClellan's main 
army at bay long enough to secure their own safe retreat. 
The Texas Brigade only was still in danger. 

It moved at a lively gait, and by noon overtook the main 
army, and passing within the picket lines came to its first halt 
during the day in a thicket of laurels, about three miles from 
Long Bridge, across the Chickahominy. Here it rested until 
about 10 p. m. of the 9th, when under a torrential downpour of 
rain, in a darkness that was almost impenetrable, and over a 
road knee-deep in mud, and in places waist-deep in water, it 
straggled to and across the bridge named — each man, as he 
reached the high ground beyond the Chickahominy, dropping 
to the ground, and without effort to find his company or regi- 
ment, going to sleep. But by 9 a. m. of the next day, order 
was restored, each soldier with his command, and late after- 
noon found the Texas Brigade in camp about five miles from 

The war was now on in good earnest. The over-sanguine, 
fire-eating secessionists who at the outset predicted that but 
one battle would be needed to conquer a peace and indepen- 
dence, had withdrawn from the public gaze, and were now busy 



in search of such governmental employment in their respective 
States, or under the Confederacy, as would exempt them from 
military service. Every port in the South was blockaded, and 
its communication with Europe cut off. Federal troops were 
stationed or in active movement in every State of the Con- 
federacy except Texas and Louisiana. Union successes 
marked the beginning months of 1862, both in the East and 
in the West. Roanoke Island and Fort Macon, in North 
Carolina, and Fort Pulaski, near Savannah, Ga., had been 
captured ; Fort Henry on the Tennessee River and Fort Don- 
elson on the Cumberland had both fallen, and with them 
Nashville had been lost. The battle of Shiloh had been fought, 
but although claimed as a victory by the Confederates, ac- 
complished but little for the Southern cause. As said by a 
Southern historian, " to the Confederates, Shiloh did not seem 
to be a defeat, but rather, the disappointment of a hope almost 

As offsets to these reverses to, or failures to win on the 
part of the Confederates, Stonewall Jackson in the Shenan- 
doah valley of Virginia had been keeping the Federal forces 
there, under Banks, Milroy, Fremont and Siegel, constantly 
on the go — winning battle after battle from them, and cap- 
turing large stores of military supplies much needed by the 
Southern armies. Jackson's victories, though, were not on 
a sufficiently large scale to inspire the thoughtful mind of that 
day with any great confidence. Indeed, much of the con- 
fidence inspired by them was lost when it was known that 
General Johnston was retreating from the peninsula. This 
retrograde movement insured tlje loss to the Confederacy of 
Newport and the navy yard there, and thus put an end to any 
sanguine hope of building a Confederate navy, for by it the 
nucleus of that navy would be hemmed up in James River. 

There was no corresponding loss of confidence, though, 
among the Confederates actually in the field in Virginia. 
They were " built of sterner stuff " than were the many who 
sought either exemption from any military service or such 
service only as could be performed in places where the missiles 
of war were not likely to reach them. Having enlisted as 
soldiers in a cause they believed just, and having implicit faith 
in the generals then in command of them, they let no reverses 


discourage them and remained not only firm and unshaken in 
determination, but optimistic. As for the Texas Brigade, it 
had come altogether too far in search of a fight to allow itself 
to be discouraged. It had tested its mettle at Eltham's Land- 
ing, had smelled the smoke of battle, and heard the screech of 
shells and the hissing of bullets, and had shrunk from none of 
the dangers, and with Hood in command of it, and Joe John- 
ston, of the army, why should it fear disaster? 

General Johnston placed his army in position south of the 
Chickahominy to guard all the approaches to Richmond on 
the north side of James River. McClellan advanced with 
cautious and seemingly timid deliberation to the north bank 
of the Chickahominy, and in a few days set his pioneer corps 
to work repairing the partially destroyed bridges across that 
stream — in the meantime calling insistently for reinforce- 
ments. He then had a force of over 100,000, but Johnston, 
he claimed, had still more men. He particularly insisted that 
the large force of Federals at Fredericksburg, under com- 
mand of McDowell, should be ordered to move over and take 
position on his right flank. But Mr. Lincoln and his ad- 
visers at Washington, although promising much, did little. 
Least of all would they, for quite a while, consent that Mc- 
Dowell should go farther from Washington than he then was. 
To let him do so would be to expose the Federal capital to 
capture by Stonewall Jackson. 

Over one of the bridges across the Chickahominy, at last 
in tolerable repair, McClellan threw two corps of his army 
which immediately took position at Seven Pines and Fair 
Oaks station, points east and about eight miles from 
Richmond. About the same time he extended his right to 
Mechanicsville, a hamlet about northeast from Richmond, 
placing it under command of Fitz-John Porter, and protect- 
ing it by earth and timber works, abatis and fallen timber. 
This was about the 24th of May. Learning of it, and also 
of Jackson's retirement toward Staunton in the Shenandoah 
valley, Mr. Lincoln consented that McDowell should march 
to the assistance of McClellan. Informed of the state of 
affairs, General Johnston decided to attack McClellan before 
McDowell could arrive, and therefore planned an attack on 
the Federal right at Mechanicsville by a flank movement. The 


troops were marching to their positions when intelligence came 
that Stonewall Jackson had won a great victory at Winches- 
ter, and that McDowell was already marching north and away 
from Richmond, and Johnston abandoned the flanking 

Then Johnston planned the battle of Seven Pines — an at- 
tack on the two Federal corps then on the Richmond side of 
the Chickahominy. His orders obeyed in letter and spirit and 
with proper concert of action, the success promised would 
undoubtedly have been achieved. But they were not so 
obeyed. The scene of operations was a wilderness of swampy, 
heavily-timbered pine land, made almost impenetrable by 
tangled undergrowth, and traversed by dim roads of which 
there were no maps accessible; the guides secured were in- 
competent; jealousy was rife among commanding officers of 
brigades and divisions, and there was no concert of action ; 
and the upshot was a victory fruitful only in the loss of life. 
General Johnston needlessly exposed himself, and was wounded 
just when his presence on the field might have accomplished 
most good. The command devolved upon General G. W. 
Smith as next in rank, but before he could thoroughly acquaint 
himself with the position of his troops, was conferred by Mr. 
Davis, the President, on General Robert E. Lee, and by his 
command the assaulting forces withdrew from the field. 

Since crossing the Chickahominy, the Texas Brigade had 
not, as a command, been called into active service. Its men, 
however, did not remain entirely idle. Occasionally, scouting 
was ordered ; frequently it was volunteered by individuals, by 
couples and by parties large and small. When the Federals 
first got foothold on the Richmond side of the Chickahominy, 
General Johnston himself called for a detail of one hundred 
and fifty men from the brigade, and sent them forward into 
the swamps to feel of the enemy and ascertain his position. 
Going farther and taking greater risks than similar parties 
from other commands, the Texas scouts not only engaged in 
several heavy skirmishes and inflicted considerable loss on the 
Federals, but also secured the only accurate information 

It was intended that the brigade should bear a prominent 
part at Seven Pines ; but although on the ground in proper 

John M. Pincknp;y 
Company G, Fourth Texas Regiment 



place and time, and for the better part of two days exposed 
to artillery fire and several times to that of musketry aimed 
at compatriot commands in its front, the most diligent efforts 
of General Hood failed to secure it an opportunity to meet 
the foe, face to face. Nevertheless, eighteen of its men were 
wounded more or less seriously. 

General Lee was no sooner in command of the army than 
he commenced scheming to raise the threatened siege of Rich- 
mond before it was fairly under weigh. The plan fixed upon 
was to reinforce Stonewall Jackson, who was still in the Shen- 
andoah valley, and thus impressing the Federal authorities 
with the belief that an attack was contemplated on Washing- 
ton city, cause them to withhold reinforcements from Mc- 
Clellan. That accomplished, Jackson was to make a sudden 
descent, with his whole force, upon McClellan's right flank and 
rear in the vicinity of Mechanicsville — his attack to be joined 
in by the Confederate troops around Richmond. 

The plan was brilliant in conception, but was audacious in 
the extreme. At the date its execution began, Lee had but 
57,000 men. With these he must hold at bay McClellan's 
115,000, near 80,000 of whom were then strongly intrenched 
on the south side of the Chickahominy, with outposts within 
five miles of the Confederate capital, and not only in sight of 
the city, but in hearing of its church-bells. But Lee did not 
hesitate; aware that McClellan's bump of caution was of ab- 
normal development, and knowing how insistently and per- 
sistently he was appealing for reinforcements, Lee felt con- 
fident he would make no immediate advance. On the 11th of 
June, Whiting's division, composed of his own and the Texas 
Brigade — the latter strengthened since Eltham's Landing by 
the transfer to it of Hampton's South Carolina Legion — 
marched into and through the streets of Richmond with ban- 
ners flying and drums beating, and boarding trains, set out 
by way of Lynchburg for the Shenandoah valley, there, as was 
proclaimed publicly by officers high in rank, to join Jackson 
in an " on to Washington." Federal spies communicated the 
tidings to the Federal authorities at once ; McClellan knew 
them two days in advance, and Jackson, never happier than 
when deceiving an enemy, aided the deception by arranging 
that Federal surgeons within his lines, but on the eve of de- 


parture, should overhear a conversation between certain of 
his officers in which they spoke of the reinforcements coming 
and of Jackson's design to essay the capture of Washington. . 

Arriving at Lynchburg, Whiting's division remained there 
two days. Then boarding the cars again, it went on to Char- 
lottesville, where it rested another day, and thence proceeded 
by train to Staunton, at the head of the Shenandoah valley. 
General Whiting, a brave and capable officer, but with, per- 
haps, a rather exaggerated sense of his own importance, went 
in person to General Jackson to report the arrival of his 
division, receive orders, and incidentally, secure information 
as to plans and purposes. " Hold yourself and command, sir, 
in readiness to march at six o'clock Monday morning," was 
the only order given him, and it was given in the curt tone 
habitually employed by " Stonewall " when issuing his com- 
mands. For two seconds, General Whiting sat silent, waiting 
for the information that he thought would surely be vouch- 
safed him. Then with an assurance born of the conscious- 
ness that in the old regular army of the United States he 
ranked the man in whose presence he was, he asked, " In what 
direction will we march, General? " " That will be made 
known to you, sir, at the proper time," answered Jackson, and 
with that, Whiting had, perforce, to be content. 

Monday morning came, and to the surprise and mystifica- 
tion of officers and men alike, instead of moving down the 
Shenandoah valley, the division marched eastward along the 
road leading across the Blue Ridge from Staunton to 

" Where are we going, Captain ? " asked a Texas private, 
sidling up to the commander of his company. " Damfiknow," 
was the reply ; " but I'll mosey along up to the head of the 
regiment, and ask the colonel." " Where in the mischief and 
Tom Walker are we going, Colonel? " queried the captain 
of the colonel, as after considerable fast walking he overtook 
that mounted officer. " I'll be durned if I know," answered 
the colonel ; " General Hood hasn't told me yet, but I'll let you 
know as soon as he does." But when the colonel applied to 
Hood for the desired information, Hood said, " I don't know," 
as promptly as did General Whiting when Hood propounded 
the now burning question to him. Meanwhile the division 


marched on until, high up on the mountain side, a halt was 
called. What was said to the regiments of Whiting's Brigade 
is not known, but to each of those of the Texas Brigade Gen- 
eral Hood made a short speech in which he said that the 
division was now subject to the orders of General Jackson, 
to whom alone its destination was known, and that to all 
questions asked, it was Jackson's order that the men should 
answer, " I do not know." " But, fellow-soldiers," said Hood 
in conclusion, " while I myself do not know where we are 
going, I can assure you that such of you as keep up with your 
command, will witness and take part in stirring and glorious 

That Hood's words but added to the mystification and in- 
creased the curiosity already prevailing, needs not the telling. 
All that day, and indeed until the morning of June 26th, an 
" I do' know ' preceded the answer given to any question 
asked, the boys falling into the humor of the thing and mak- 
ing a joke of it. As it was the invariable answer they gave 
to each other, so it was often that which they gave to officers, 
and occasionally it served as a means of evading punishment; 
as, for instance, when General Jackson himself discovered one 
of them in a tree by the roadside, busily engaged in stuffing 
alternate handfuls " of the fruit thereof " into his mouth and 
haversack, and apparently reckless that such depredations 
were forbidden. It is an old and oft-told story of the war, and 
readers will remember that growing angry at the " I do' 
knows," flippantly uttered in response to each of his ques- 
tions, Jackson finally asked why it was he was so answered, 
and the impudent fellow replied : " Because them's ole Stone- 
wall Jackson's orders, an' I'm goin' to obey 'em, or bust." 

Previous to the halt of the Texas Brigade and his speech to 
each of its regiments, General Hood had an experience that 
was amusing enough to be told by himself. There were many 
stills in the secluded nooks of the Blue Ridge, and by 9 a. m. 
many of the boys were in a good humor, more than a few 
were staggering, and apple-jack brandy could be had out of 
dozens of canteens. To prevent any straggling for the pur- 
pose of replenishing empty canteens, Hood authorized the 
statement, which was industriously circulated and really be- 
lieved, that small-pox was raging among the citizens living 


along our route. Riding by himself, half a mile in rear of 
the brigade, he discovered, lying in the middle of the road and 
obviously very drunk, a member of the Fourth Texas. 

Checking his horse, the general asked : " What is the mat- 
ter with you, sir? Why are you not with your company? " 
The stern and peremptory voice brought the culprit to a sit- 
ting posture, and looking at the general with drunken gravity, 
he said: " Nussin much, I reckon, General — I jus' feel sorter 
weak an' no account." "So I see, sir," said Hood; "get 
up at once and rejoin your company." The fellow made sev- 
eral ineffectual attempts to obey, but each time fell back on 
the ground, and a few sober stragglers coming along just then, 
Hood ordered them to take him in charge and conduct him to 
his company. But as they approached to carry out the order, 
the fellow found voice to say between hiccoughs : " Don't you 
fellers that ain't been vaccinated come near me — I've got the 
small-pox — tha's wha's the masser with me." 

The stragglers shrank back in alarm, and the general, 
laughing at the way his own chickens had come home to roost, 
said, " Let him alone, then — some of the teamsters will pick 
him up," and rode on. 

That day — it was the 16th of June — Whiting's division 
marched twenty long miles, halting, shortly after dark, in the 
vicinity of a station on the railroad leading from Staunton, via 
Charlottesville, to Gordonville, known as Meechuam's. 
Thence, on trains and on foot — riding ten miles and footing 
it twenty, in alternation with other troops — we proceeded b} T 
way of Gordonsville to the neighborhood of Frederick's Hall, 
distant about ninety miles from Richmond — arriving there in 
the afternoon of June 21, and camping in a dense woodland. 
By dark every regiment and brigade under Jackson's com- 
mand was on hand, and lest information of their presence be 
carried to the enemy, were surrounded by a line of cavalry 
and infantry pickets whose orders were to allow the passage 
of neither soldier nor citizen beyond their line, unless he had 
a pass signed by Jackson himself. In addition, and in aid of 
the outside picket line, around each separate command a guard 
was stationed whose duty it was to prevent all straying from 
camp. Such restrictions upon freedom of movement were not 
resented, however ; the troops had been constantly on the move 


for ten days or more, and rest was not only needed but grate- 
fully enjoyed. 

At midnight of the 22nd — he would not start sooner lest he 
violate the injunction,, " Keep the Sabbath day holy " — Jack- 
son mounted his horse, and accompanied by a single courier, 
rode at a gallop toward Richmond, to report the whereabouts 
of his command to Genera.1 Lee, and to plan for concert of 
movement between his own and the troops then near Rich- 
mond. He reached the city at 2 p. m. of the 23rd, and an 
hour later had made his report to General Lee and was in con- 
ference with him, Longstreet, A. P. Hill and D. H. Hill. The 
plan agreed upon was, briefly, this : Jackson was to march 
from Ashland at 3 a. m. of June 26th — the date and hour set 
by himself — and following the dividing ridges between the 
Pamunkey and Chickahominy Rivers, place his command in 
rear and flank of the right wing of the Federal army, and turn 
and dislodge it ; A. P, Hill, upon notification that Jackson 
had crossed the Virginia Central Railroad, to move his com- 
mand across the upper Chickahominy, and approaching Me- 
chanicsville, attack the enemy there at sound of Jackson's 
signal guns ; Longstreet and D. H. Hill, when A. P. Hill had 
driven the enemy from Mechanicsville, to find passage across 
the bridge at that place to the north side of the Chickahominy 
— Longstreet's troops taking position on the right of A. P. 
Hill's command, between it and the river, and assisting it to 
drive the Federals down the river — D. H. Hill's forces to 
march eastward and find position on Jackson's left. Jackson 
was enjoined to bear well to the left, " press forward toward 
the York River Railroad, close upon the enemy's rear, and 
force him down the Chickahominy, and if possible, cut him 
off from his base of supplies at the White House on the 
Pamunkey River." 

General Lee was taking risks that a commander less cour- 
ageous and less confident of the courage of his army would 
not have taken. The passage to the north side of the Chick- 
ahominy of A. P. Hill's 11,000 men, D. H. Hill's 10,000, and 
Longstreet's 9,000, left on the south side of that stream but 
30,000 Confederates, under command of Generals Holmeis, 
Magruder and Huger, to hold in check the nearly 80,000 sol- 
diers of the four Federal corps then in line on the Richmond 


side of the stream, with their intrenched advance at Fair Oaks 
and Seven Pines. However, Lee knew the hesitating disposi- 
tion of his opponent, McClellan, and events justified the risks 

The mystery with which General Jackson surrounded his 
movements was so well-preserved that it was not until June 
24 that McClellan suspected he was approaching Richmond. 
Greatly perturbed by the suspicion, he wired Stanton, the Fed- 
eral Secretary of War, for positive information. On the 25th 
Stanton replied that Jackson was either somewhere between 
Gordonsville and Luray, or in the mountains of West Virginia. 
On the same day, Banks and Fremont, then in the lower Shen- 
andoah valley, were apprehensive that Jackson would descend 
on them. McClellan placed no faith in Stanton's informa- 
tion, for replying to him,- he wired : " I am inclined to think 
that Jackson will attack my right and rear. The rebel force 
is stated at 200,000, including Jackson and Beauregard." 

Jackson's command marched from Frederick's Hall on Mon- 
day, the 2'3rd, but owing to the excessive heat, the lack of 
water along the route traveled, and the necessity of repairing 
bridges destroyed by the Federals in a movement against Han- 
over Court House ordered by McClellan, did not make the rapid 
headway expected. It did not reach Ashland until the night 
of the 25th. Resuming its tramp at early dawn of the 26th, 
it crossed the Virginia Central Railroad about 9 a. m. Thence, 
the Texas Brigade, preceded by a strong line of skirmishers, 
deployed on each side of the road, began a march which, if 
undelayed, would have brought it by the middle of the after- 
noon in contact with the main body of the enemy. The Fed- 
eral commander, though, had not been idle, for not only had 
he obstructed the roads by felling large trees across them and 
destroying bridges, but had posted cavalry north of the Toto- 
potomoy Creek to give notice of the approach of Confederates 
and to delay it. This cavalry fled in such haste before our 
skirmish line as to abandon large quantities of supplies, and 
even the food that was cooking. But they set fire to the 
bridge over the boggy little Totopotomoy Creek, and the re- 
pair of that occupied so much time that it was after dark 
before the head of Jackson's column reached Hundley's Cor- 
ner, about six miles east of Mechanicsville. 

Bii^y Pearcb; 
Company D, Fifth Texas Regiment 



Jackson's failure to arrive sooner at Hundley's Corner pro- 
duced its embarrassments. On receiving notice that he was 
crossing the Virginia Central Railroad, A. P. Hill led his com- 
mand to the north side of the Chickahominy, and placed them 
in position to make an assault on the enemy at Mechanicsville 
as soon as Jackson's signal guns should be heard. These 
not sounding by 3 p. m., the hour when it was calculated Jack- 
son would begin the attack, and fearing that longer delay 
might " hazard the failure of the whole plan," Hill ordered an 
assault by his troops. This attack uncovered the Mechanics- 
ville bridge, and across it D. H. Hill and Longstreet led their 
respective commands, and joined in the fray with such spirit 
and determination as to force the Federals back on Beaver- 
dam Creek behind almost impregnable intrenchments. These 
they held against repeated furious assaults by the Confeder- 
ates until night brought cessation of battle. But during the 
night McClellan received positive information that Jackson 
was coming down on the rear of his army, and at early dawn 
of the 27th he abandoned his position at Beaver Dam, to con- 
centrate all his forces along the previously intrenched crest 
and side of the ridge lying between the Chickahominy on its 
south, and Powhite Creek on its north or northeast. 

Powhite Creek empties into the Chickahominy, and is a nar- 
row, deep-channeled and brisk-flowing little stream fed by the 
swamps and morasses hidden in dense, thickly undergrown for- 
ests which begin about two miles from its mouth, and extend 
far to the east. Emerging from these tangled woods, it runs 
for half a mile between undulating meadows, its course marked 
by a narrow skirt of trees and passing the meadows, hides itself 
again in the recesses of a forest that continues to its outlet. 
On the highest point of the ridge south of it, and almost ex- 
actly opposite the upper end of the meadow land north of it, 
the Federals, on the morning of the 27th, massed twenty pieces 
of heavy field artillery. 


Gaines' Mill 

The troops at Hundley's Corner were early astir on the 
fateful morning of June 27th, 1862, and were no sooner astir 
than they commenced inquiring as to the result of the battle at 
Mechanicsville and Beaver Dam, away off on their right. But 
little positive information was to be had, yet that little was en- 
couraging and inspiring ; although at great sacrifice of life, 
the Federals had been driven from their strongholds, but were 
still standing defiant behind intrenchments lower down the 
Chickahominy to which they had fallen back and from which it 
needed only the appearance of Jackson's command in their rear 
to compel them to retreat. But eager as were both command- 
ing officers and their men to move forward and test conclusions, 
A. P. Hill's unauthorized and premature attack on the 26th 
caused many delays. 

Moving at an early hour, D. H. Hill led his forces over from 
Mechanicsville toward Hundley's Corner — his orders and ob- 
ject, to lead the advance down the Chickahominy toward the 
York River Railroad. By 9 a. m. his column had passed the 
corner, and following close on its trail, went Ewell's command. 
By this time it was past midday. About 1 p. m. Whiting's 
division moved from the corner, and bearing to the right, late 
in the afternoon formed in line confronting that of the enemy 
— the position taken, opposite the high point of the ridge south 
of the little creek upon which the Federals had massed their 
twenty pieces of heavy field artillery — the center of the Texas 
Brigade exactly opposite these guns — the First Texas, Fifth 
Texas, Hampton's Legion and all but two companies of the 
Eighteenth Georgia, in the forest where lay the swamps and 
morasses, and the Fourth Texas in reserve, on the right of the 
Eighteenth Georgia. On the right of the Texas stood Whit- 
ing's Brigade, under command of Colonel E. M. Law. Next 
on the right was Pickett's Brigade. 



McClellan's withdrawal from Beaver Dam in the early morn- 
ing necessitated a readjustment of the lines of Longstreet and 
A. P. Hill, and it was 11 a. m. before the troops of either were 
in position to begin another assault. But though they fought 
well and gallantly, and made charge after charge, each was 
repulsed with terrible loss to the assailants, the twenty pieces 
of massed artillery doing most effective service for the Fed- 
erals against every attack upon them over the high plateau of 
open meadow land, and the swamps and undergrowth else- 
where in the Federal front, making rapid advance through 
them possible. Brigade after brigade of the Confederates 
that essayed to move forward across the meadow was halted 
by the murderous fire of the artillery, and, save Trimble's Bri- 
gade, driven to retreat. But although that command did not 
fall back, it went no further than a depression on the near 
side of the ridge immediately north of Powhite Creek. There 
taking shelter from both bullets and shells, it kept up, for two 
long hours, an ineffective fire from smooth-bore muskets loaded 
with buck and ball. 

" Long before we moved forward that morning," writes a 
member of the Fourth Texas, " we began to hear the noises of 
the fierce battle that was raging far away on our right front. 
We were but three miles on our way to it when evidences of its 
severity presented themselves in the persons of wounded men, 
these increasing in numbers as we went nearer and nearer to 
the firing line. When close in rear of A. P. Hill's command, 
we not only saw individual stragglers by the score, but regi- 
ments of them that were seemingly beyond the control of their 
officers. Still further on, the signs of battle, and of failure 
and perhaps defeat, became more numerous, and more than 
one of the boys expressed the opinion that we had come too 
late to do any good. But Whiting and Hood urged us on 
with what speed could be made over roads obstructed by ar- 
tillery and wagon trains, a constantly increasing press from 
the front of the skulking and the wounded, and large and small 
squads of prisoners." 

In his report of the battle of Gaines' Mill, which is dated 
July 19, 1862, and is to be found in Vol. XI, Part II, page 
568, of War of the Rebellion records, published by the United 
States government, General Hood says: 


" Arriving on the field between 4 and 5 p. m., I was informed 
by Colonel J. M. Jones, of General Ewell's staff, that his 
troops were hard pressed and required assistance. Line of 
battle was formed at once with the Hampton Legion, Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel M. W. Gary commanding, on the left, with orders 
to gain the crest of the hill in the woods and hold it, which 
they did, the Fifth Texas, Colonel J. B. Robertson command- 
ing, engaging the enemy on the right of the Legion, and the 
First Texas, Colonel A. T. Rainey commanding, on the right 
of the Fifth Texas. The brigade moved gallantly forward, 
soon becoming engaged from left to right. The battle raged 
with great fury all along the line as these noble troops pressed 
steadily on, forcing the enemy to gradually give way. 

" Directing in person the Fourth Texas regiment, Colonel 
John Marshall commanding, on the right of my line, they were 
the first troops to pierce the strong line of breastworks oc- 
cupied by the enemy, which caused great confusion in their 
ranks. Here the Eighteenth Georgia, Lieutenant-Colonel S. 
Z. Ruff commanding, came to the support of the Fourth 
Texas, and these regiments pressed on over a hotly contested 
field, inclining from right to left, with the Fifth Texas on 
their left, taking a large number of prisoners and capturing 
fourteen pieces of artillery, when night came on and farther 
pursuit of the enemy ceased. The guns were captured by the 
Fourth Texas and Eighteenth Georgia, and a regiment was 
taken prisoners by the Fifth Texas regiment." 

In his book, " Advance and Retreat," General Hood gives a 
more detailed account of the battle. In that he says : 

I moved on with all possible speed, through field and forest, in 
the direction of the firing, and arrived, about 4.30 p. m., at a 
point on the telegraph road, I should think not far distant from 
the center of our attacking force. Here I found Gen. Lee, seated 
upon his horse. He rode forward to meet me, and extending his 
usual greeting, announced to me that our troops had been fighting 
gallantly, but had not succeeded in dislodging the enemy: he 
added, "This must be done. Can you break his line?' I re- 
plied that I would try. I immediately formed my brigade in line 
of battle with Hampton's Legion on the left. 

In front was a dense woods and ugly marsh, which totally con- 
cealed the enemy from us, but the terrible roar of artillery and 


musketry plainly revealed, however, that thousands and thousands 
of living souls were struggling in most deadly conflict for the 
mastery of that field, and I might say, almost under the shadow 
of the Capitol of the infant Confederacy. My line was estab- 
lished, and moved forward, regiment by regiment, when I discov- 
ered, as the disposition of the Eighteenth Georgia was completed, 
an open field a little to its right. Holding in reserve the Fourth 
Texas, I ordered the advance, and galloped into the open field or 
pasture, from which point I could see at a distance of about eight 
hundred yards, the position of the Federals. They were heavily 
entrenched on the side of an elevated ridge running a little west 
and south, and extending to the vicinity of the Chickahominy. At 
the foot of the slope ran Powhite creek, which stream, together 
with the abatis in front of their works, constituted a formidable 
obstruction to our approach, whilst batteries, supported by masses 
of infantry, covered the crest of the hill in rear, and long range 
guns were posted on the south side of the Chickahominy, in readi- 
ness to enfilade our advancing columns. The ground from which 
I made these observations was, however, open the entire distance 
to their entrenchments. 

In a moment I determined to advance from that point, to make 
a strenuous effort to pierce the enemy's fortifications, and, if pos- 
sible, put him to flight. I therefore marched the Fourth Texas 
by the right flank into this open field, halted and dressed the 
line whilst under fire of the long range guns, and gave positive 
instructions that no man should fire until I gave the order; for 
I knew full well that if the men were allowed to fire, they would 
halt to load, break the alignment, and, very likely, never reach 
the breastworks. I moreover ordered them not only to keep to- 
gether, but also in line, and announced to them that I would lead 
them in the charge. Forward march was sounded, and we moved 
at a rapid but not at a double-quick pace. Meantime, my regi- 
ments on the left had advanced some distance to the front through 
the wood and swamp. 

Onward we marched under a constantly increasing shower of 
shot and shell, whilst to our right could be seen some of our 
troops making their way to the rear, and others lying down be- 
neath a galling fire. Our ranks were thinned at almost every 
step forward, and proportionally to the growing fury of the storm 
of projectiles. Soon we attained the crest of the bald ridge 
within about one hundred and fifty yards of the breastworks. 
Here was concentrated upon us, from batteries in front and flank, 
a fire of shell and canister, which ploughed through our ranks 
with deadly effect. Already the gallant Col. Marshall, together 


with many other brave men, had fallen victims to this bloody 
onset. At a quickened pace we continued to advance, without 
firing a shot, down the slope, over a body of our soldiers lying 
on the ground, to and across Powhite creek, when, amidst the 
fearful roar of musketry and artillery, I gave the order to fix 
bayonets and charge. With a ringing shout we dashed up the 
steep hill through the abatis, and over the breastworks, upon the 
very heads of the enemy. 

The Federals, panic-stricken, rushed precipitately to the rear 
upon the infantry in support of the artillery: suddenly the whole 
joined in the flight toward the valley beyond. At this juncture 
some twenty guns, stationed in rear of the Federal line on a^hill 
to my left, opened fire upon the Fourth Texas, which changed 
front, and charged in their direction. I halted in an orchard be- 
yond the works, and dispatched every officer of my staff to the 
main portion of the brigade in the wood on the left, instructing 
them to bear the glad tidings that the Fourth Texas had pierced 
the enemy's line, and were moving in his rear, and to deliver 
orders to push forward with the utmost haste. At the same mo- 
ment I discovered a Federal brigade marching up the slope from 
the valley beyond, evidently with the purpose to re-establish the 
line. I ran back to the entrenchments, appealed to some of our 
troops, who, by this time, had advanced to the breastworks, to 
come forward and drive off the small body of Federals. They 
remained, however, motionless. Jenkins' command, if I mistake 
not, which was further to our right, boldly advanced and put the 
brigade to rout. Meantime, the long line of blue and steel to 
right and left wavered, and, finally, gave way, as the Eighteenth 
Georgia, the First and Fifth Texas, and Hampton's Legion gal- 
lantly moved forward from right to left, thus completing a grand 
left wheel of the brigade into the very heart of the enemy. Simul- 
taneously with this movement burst forth a tremendous shout 
of victory, which was taken up along the whole Confederate line. 

I mounted my horse, rode forward, and found the Fourth Texas 
and Eighteenth Georgia had captured fourteen pieces of artillery, 
whilst the Fifth Texas had charge of a Federal regiment which 
had surrendered to it. Many were the deeds of valor upon that 
memorable field. 

The general and the private under his command view a bat- 
tle from quite different standpoints. The one observes the 
movements of corps, divisions, brigades and regiments, and 
takes little note of the units composing these organizations — 
the other, himself one of the units, observes the conduct of in- 


dividuals. The one takes note of general details, the other, 
of minute. We will now let the privates tell what they wit- 
nessed and heard, what they did and what they suffered. The 
evidence they give may be conflicting, but it must be kept in 
mind that few persons see, hear and remember alike. A mem- 
ber of the Fourth Texas says : 

" The forenoon of June 27th, 1862, was well-advanced be- 
fore the Texas Brigade left its bivouac. D. H. Hill's division 
marched over to Hundley's Corner, that morning, from Me- 
chanicsville, and as it was to take position on the left of Jack- 
son's line, it and Jackson's troops moved before Whiting's 
division did. Once in motion though, to the southwest, Whit- 
ing's division made few halts. We had gone but a few miles 
when sounds of the battle made by A. P. Hill's division, away 
off to our right, came to our ears and quickened our steps. 
Whiting's orders were to take position on Jackson's right. 
Law's brigade led the advance which was made to the music 
of a constantly increasing roar of artillery and musketry. 

Along about 4* p. m. we came under the fire of the enemy's 
heavy artillery, passing, as we moved rapidly forward, the 
ordnance trains and the batteries of Confederate commands 
then at the front — the batteries awaiting the call to action, but 
delayed in receiving it by the difficulty of finding places in the 
woods and swamps, from which to do execution. Further on, 
squads of prisoners, a few wounded men and many stragglers 
commenced passing through our lines. About this time Gen- 
eral Hood placed the Fourth Texas in reserve, and led the 
other regiments of the brigade toward the front to the as- 
sistance of troops already there. They were not long in find- 
ing work to do, and did it nobly. 

The Fourth Texas had a long wait before it went into ac- 
tion. According to my recollection, it was well on to 6.30 
p. m. before Hood had his line established and ready for the 
general advance that was to be ordered. Law's brigade, it 
is likely, had by this time found its place, advanced against 
the enemy and met with repulse. Colonel Columbus Upson, 
then a volunteer aide on General Whiting's staff, after the 
war a member of Congress from West Texas, but now in the 
Great Beyond, is authority for this assertion. Generals Hood 
and Whiting, said Colonel Upson, met in the open field. 


Pointing to the battery, fourteen guns of which were captured 
by the Fourth Texas that very day, Whiting said : " That 
battery ought to be taken, Hood." " Then, why has it not 
been taken?" asked Hood. "Because," replied Whiting, 
" the position is too strong. My brigade is composed of vet- 
eran troops, but they can do nothing with it." " I have a 
regiment that can take it," declared Hood, and scarcely wait- 
ing for Whiting's assent to his undertaking the task, galloped 
in the direction of the Fourth Texas. 

Because it left them to the leadership of a colonel whose 
rank had been secured through political pull, and who, though 
admitted to be brave to a fault, was not deemed competent 
to direct the regiment in battle, both officers and men of the 
Fourth Texas deeply regretted the promotion of Hood to the 
rank of brigadier-general. Learning of this, Hood promised 
that he himself would lead them into their first battle. He had 
not done this at Eltham's Landing, no opportunity having 
offered. Now the situation was entirely different. For hours 
the brave Federals in our front had successfully resisted the 
many efforts of the Confederates to dislodge them. Unless 
this was done, the battle was lost to the Confederates, and 
thousands of lives had been sacrificed in vain. Promotion for 
himself was to be won, distinction for the regiment he had so 
carefully trained was to be gained. The tide " which, taken 
at its flood, leads on to fortune," was in full sweep, and seiz- 
ing the golden moment, Hood made good his promise. 

Taking command of the Fourth Texas, he moved it forward 
in column to a dry ravine running parallel with the course of 
Powhite Creek, on the south bank of which stretched the long 
lines of intrenchments occupied by the Federals. Here the 
regiment formed in line of battle, and was admonished by 
Hood not to fire a gun until he gave the command to do so. 
Thence, it went at a quick step toward the front, ascended the 
north slope of a ridge — passing, just before reaching the 
crest, over a long line of Confederates lying flat on the ground, 
and thus sheltering themselves from the enemy's fire. Arrived 
at the crest, the Fourth came in sight and range of the Fed- 
eral infantry and artillery. These immediately opened fire 
on us, and comrades began to halt or sink to the ground, 
wounded or dead. Though now within one hundred and fifty 


yards of the enemy's first line, it was hid from our view by 
the tops of the tall trees bordering Powhite Creek. Our pace 
accelerated bv the incline down which we went, and the mur- 
derous fire to which we were exposed, we moved rapidly on 
until, looking between the trunks of the trees, we had a view 
of the first line of intrenchments. Without halting us, Gen- 
eral Hood shouted an order to take aim and fire, and this 
obeyed, gave the commands, " Fix bayonets. Charge ! " In 
an instant, almost, bayonets were fixed, and with a yell that 
sounded high above the noise of battle, we sprang forward, 
into and across the little creek, into and through the cun- 
ningly constructed abatis, and at the enemy holding the first 
line of breastworks. The onset was so furious and determined, 
that seized with panic, the first line of Federals, taking time 
only to fire a few scattering shots, took to precipitate flight. 
Their panic communicated itself to the troops in the two lines 
behind them, and they, too, fled, pell-mell, and probably with 
a prayer that the devil might save the hindmost, up and over 
the ridge in their rear. 

At this point, if nowhere else along Powhite Creek, the 
Federals were protected by three lines of breastworks. The 
first hugged the south edge of the narrow skirt of timber, 
probably fifty yards wide, which grew in the valley of the 
stream ; the second lay fifty steps back of the first, and the 
third the same distance back of the second — the last two 
stretching along the side of the ridge south of the creek, each 
of them so elevated that troops in either could, without en- 
dangering comrades in their front, join in resisting attack. 
The extra care manifested in providing defenses here, was 
probably due to the circumstance that it was the only point 
on the Federal line where a rush on it was not prevented by 
undergrowth or marshes. 

The panic into which the coming of the Texans threw the 
Federals was not simply complimentary and encouraging; it 
was also inspiring and persuasive, and loading and firing as 
they ran, the Texans followed in fast pursuit of their swiftly 
retreating antagonists. Arrived at a road that ran along 
the summit of the ridge, and there pausing an instant for 
breath, we saw on our left thousands of the Federals fleeing 
from the intrenchments which had been assaulted by the First 


and Fifth Texas, the Hampton Legion and the left wing of 
the Eighteenth Georgia. Casting our glances next to our 
right, the same comforting spectacle of wild and confused 
flight appeared. A moment later a wild, joyful yell from our 
right informed us that the Confederates there, who since noon 
had been fighting at long range, or if they attempted any, 
had not made a successful charge, were in rapid pursuit of 
the now demoralized foe. 

It is due the other regiments of the Texas Brigade to say, 
that but for the advantage of open ground which the Fourth 
Texas had, they would have kept well in line with it, and have 
shared the glory it won. As it was, advancing to the assault 
over swampland and through densely matted undergrowth, it 
was impossible for either regiment as a whole to arrive within 
striking distance of the breastworks as soon as the Fourth 
Texas did. The right wing of the Eighteenth Georgia, how- 
ever, had the advantage of open ground, and it joined with 
the Fourth Texas both in the rush upon the breastworks and 
in the subsequent capture of artillery. In General Hood's 
official report, he places the Eighteenth Georgia as a com- 
mand, with the Fourth Texas in the capture of the artillery. 
That he is mistaken, and that only a few companies of the 
regiment are entitled to share in the glory of that achieve- 
ment, is evident from the fact that in the volume of Confeder- 
ate Military History which recounts the deeds of Georgia 
troops, no hint of such claim is given. 

While regaining breath at the road mentioned, an incident 
occurred which, trifling as it was, will bear telling. Beyond 
the road was an acre of land inclosed by a high and strong 
fence, and in its center stood an unoccupied log stable. Be- 
hind the stable, a Union soldier of a more combative spirit 
than was possessed by his tribe, had sought a lurking-place 
from which to resist any further advance of the Confederate 
army. Desiring, apparently, to take a pot shot at the Fourth 
Texas, this soldier very carelessly exposed himself to the view 
of his enemies. Seen by slow-talking but fast-moving String- 
field, that worthy sprang forward, and climbing over the 
fence, ran, gun in hand, toward the stable. Presuming that 
a mite of encouragement would not be wasted, Lieutenant L. 
P. Hughes, a mild-mannered gentleman who never takes the 

E. K. Gorkk 
Company H, Fifth Texas Regiment 



name of the Lord in vain, but falls short of it only by a hair's- 
breadth, sang out, " Go it, Stringfield — go it ! Kill him, dod 
damn him, kill him ! " 

Combined with Stringfield's ardor and the reckless im- 
petuosity of his onset, this adjuration came near inviting dis- 
aster to him. For when he came within twenty feet of the 
stable, the Federal behind it decided it was time for him to 
exercise the right of self-defense, and accordingly, stepped out 
from behind the stable, and pointed a capped, cocked and 
loaded gun at the bold Confederate. But time was not 
vouchsafed him to pull trigger. Wolff, a German, who stood 
near Lieutenant Hughes, realized the peril in which his com- 
patriot stood, and raising his rifle from the hollow of the arm 
in which its barrel rested, shot the rash Federal through the 

The pause at the road lasted hardly one minute. The ar- 
tillery at whose capture we aimed, had withheld its fire while 
the timber on the creek and the ridge south of it hid us from 
view. But as the Fourth Texas came into sight on the road, 
it reopened, hurling shot, shell and canister at us with a rap- 
idity and in a volume that warned us we had yet much to ac- 
complish ere we laid just claim to victory. Heeding the hint, 
the Texans and such Georgians as had joined them, formed 
into line of battle in a peach or pear orchard, about three hun- 
dred yards beyond the road, called to that point by General 
Hood, who, it should be mentioned, had left his horse in the 
ravine where we had first formed into line, and was still afoot. 
It should also be stated that the artillery we were after 
stood on a high hill slightly to the left of our line of advance 
from the ravine, and that we now faced almost at a right angle 
to that line, the batteries, about three hundred yards distant, 
with a deep hollow down the middle of which ran a steep- 
banked, tortuous gully, almost impassable except at a few 
places, between us and them. 

In the rush down and up the slopes, across the creek and 
through abatis, companies had scattered and lost their places, 
and probably five minutes elapsed ere the regiment was in 
battle array, and during these the batteries got its range and 
poured upon it a withering and deadly fire under which many 
brave men fell. Cool and sylvan as the orchard might have 


felt and appeared under other circumstances, it was not now 
a spot on which to linger, and therefore, no sooner was the 
line reformed than Hood gave the command to charge. As 
in stentorian voice he called, "Attention!" Major Warwick, 
who at daylight that morning, against the protest of his 
physician, had left a sick bed and galloped out to join his 
command, and who like Hood was on foot, cried, " Wait a sec- 
ond, General — let me lead the charge ! " and sprang in front 
of the regiment. As the command " Charge I " fell from 
Hood's lips, the line surged forward for the race down the 
slope. But the gallant Warwick took scarcely a dozen strides 
before a fragment of a shell struck and mortally wounded him, 
and he fell to the ground. 

Never did a regiment make better time than the Fourth 
Texas did, down to and into and across the gully in the 
middle of the hollow; there was need for speed, for only when 
there could the men hope to escape, for a second or two, the 
storm of lead and iron that fast depleted their ranks — it being 
impossible, they knew, for the guns to be sufficiently depressed 
to bear on them. Falling again into a semblance of a line as 
they scrambled out of the gully, and moving at their best 
speed up the hill on the crest of which the guns were posted, 
they gained half-way ground before again coming under fire, 
and then only under that of two pieces. These, however, were 
denied the time to fire a third shot, for before the second left 
their muzzles, the Texans won the crest, the artillerists fled 
and the guns were ours. 

Halting on this crest a minute to regain formation, the 
Fourth Texas pushed rapidly on toward the Chickahominy. 
A couple of hundred yards from the artillery, it encountered 
a squadron or more of cavalry, United States dragoons, they 
called themselves. These charged gallantly, but unavailingly. 
Met with bullet and bayonet, many steeds soon galloped rider- 
less, many brave cavalrymen lay on the ground, wounded or 
dead. That scrimmage over, Major Townsend, then in com- 
mand — General Hood had come no further than the battery — 
decided that the regiments had gone far enough, and so called 
a halt. It was then in the timber bordering the Chickahominy. 
It was fast growing dark, and he did not care to assume the 
responsibility of going further. While he waited for orders 


and instructions the First Texas approached within near 
range of the Fourth, and in the darkness mistaking it for a 
Federal command, commenced firing at it. " Lie down — lie 
down," was shouted along our line by both men and officers, 
while others sought to inform the First Texas who they were. 
Before it could be made to understand, though, Lieutenant L. 
P. Lyons, of Company F of the Fourth Texas, in his anxiety 
to see that all of his company obeyed the order to lie down, 
stood for a moment on his feet, and was mortally 

From what State hailed the troops over whom the Fourth 
Texas passed on the crest of the ridge where it first came 
under direct fire, was a question as much discussed during the 
war as since. When asked, as we came to them, who they 
were, the majority who spoke at all, answered, " Alabamians." 
Not knowing then on what part of the field Law's brigade was, 
many of us jumped at once to the conclusion that we had 
caught the Fourth Alabama regiment " showing the white 
feather." The Fourth Alabama, however, denied the harsh 
impeachment, and their negative being proven beyond dispute, 
the matter remained one of doubt and speculation. The first 
light on the subject came in 1905, forty years after the close 
of the war. Governor William C. Oates, of Alabama, in his 
book entitled, " The War between the Union and the Con- 
federacy, and its Lost Opportunities," admits that the Fif- 
teenth Alabama regiment was the sinner. As he was then 
a lieutenant in one of the companies, his acknowledgment " of 
the corn " must be held as conclusive, and none the less so be- 
cause he relegated to a comrade the task of relating the in- 
cident. That comrade, after telling that the Fifteenth took 
position on the crest of the hill where we found it, at about 2 
p. m., and while there the men lay flat on the ground, and that 
finally, details sent back for ammunition returned and the 
men began to fill their cartridge-boxes, says : " About the 
time we got through, we looked down the hill in our rear, and 
there came the Fourth Texas, half-bent, as if looking for a 
turkey." Being against himself, that statement will not be 
disputed. Other assertions made by the comrade, however, 
are not only challenged, but positively denied. The Fourth 
Texas made no halt at the line of the Fifteenth Alabama to 


rectify their own line, to fire a volley, and to reload and fix 
bayonets. Nor did the Fifteenth Alabama, as an organized 
body, advance with the Fourth Texas. As to these matters, 
the comrade has mistaken a lively imagination for a poor 

Justly proud of the achievements of the Fourth Texas at 
Gaines' Mill, survivors of Hood's Texas Brigade were as- 
tounded when, in 1898, their title to the laurels won by that 
regiment in that battle was questioned. That Hood and 
Whiting, Jackson and Lee, and Jefferson Davis, the president 
of the Confederacy, had erred in crediting the Fourth Texas 
with being the first to penetrate the lines of the enemy, and 
to capture, unassisted save by the Eighteenth Georgia, the 
fourteen pieces of artillery, was too incredible for belief. A 
lively tilt, with the pen, at once began in the columns of the 
Confederate Veteran in the October number, 1898, in which 
had appeared an article over the signature of Adjutant 
Cooper, formerly of Pickett's Brigade, in which the claim of 
the Texans was assailed, and the laurels awarded them cred- 
ited, exclusively, to Pickett's Brigade. 

Fortunately for the Texans, the evidence on which they re- 
lied was of record in official reports and in history ; unfortu- 
nately for the Virginians, Adjutant Cooper, at the very out- 
set, blundered into details concerning the movements of Pick- 
ett's Brigade that shatter his contention beyond repair, phys- 
ical facts as well as oral and written testimony of unimpeach- 
able character, showing that, if he tells the truth, his claim in 
behalf of Pickett's Brigade is absolutely baseless. In that 
October number of the Veteran he says : 

" The sun shone brightly and the atmosphere was clear, and 
every move that Lee's troops made could be plainly seen by 
the enemy. Pryor's line advanced to the attack, and in a 
short time were almost annihilated. Pickett with his five regi- 
ments went in on a double-quick, and being hid by the smoke 
of battle, approached to within thirty or forty yards of the 
first line of intrenchment, where in the intense heat and the 
dense smoke, they involuntarily threw themselves flat upon the 
ground and commenced firing. The roar of musketry was so 
terrific that it was impossible to hear anything else. The men 
knew, however, that heavy work was intended, as each man 


had his eighty rounds of ammunition. This continuous firing 
was kept up, neither side knowing the proximity of the other, 
on account of the smoke. Finally \ the firing of the enemy some- 
what slackened and the sun set, as it were, in blood, with 
neither side having gained any advantage. At the slight lull 
in the enemy's fire, General Pickett ordered a charge, to which 
his brigade responded promptly." 

Following this paragraph, Adjutant Cooper tells how the 
Union troops melted away as the Virginians rushed forward 
and at them, and how, without another halt, and without 
again involuntarily throwing themselves flat upon the ground, 
the sons of the Old Dominion swept on and captured the four- 
teen guns in advance of any other command. In view of his 
admission that his brigade did not charge the enemy until the 
sun had set, his claim is an absurdity. 

In none of the official reports of Confederate generals com- 
manding that day is the time at which the general advance 
began given as later than 7 p. m. The sun set on June 27, 
1862, in the latitude of Virginia, not earlier than 7.30. This 
gave half an hour for the Fourth Texas to pass over the 1320 
yards of ground that lay between the ravine in which Hood 
first formed it into line and the batteries. Moving leisurely, 
at the rate, say, of two miles an hour, one can walk that dis- 
tance in 22^ minutes. Pickett's Brigade at 7 p. m. was fully 
half a mile to the right of the Fourth Texas, and fully that 
distance further than the Fourth from the batteries in ques- 
tion, which were, at least, two hundred yards to the left of 
the direct line of advance of the Texas regiment. For Pick- 
ett's Brigade to have reached the guns first, even had not its 
men " involuntarily thrown themselves flat upon the ground " 
within " thirty or forty yards of the first line of intrench- 
ments," it must have moved entirely across the front of Whit- 
ing's Brigade, and, for two hundred yards, across that of the 
Fourth Texas. It was not possible, though, for it to move 
across the front of either of those commands, for, after be- 
ginning their advance at 7 a. m., half an hour before sunset, 
neither of them halted until the Federals had taken refuge in 
the lowlands of the Chickahominy, and the batteries had been 
captured by the Fourth Texas and part of the Eighteenth 
Georgia. , i 


It should be remembered that the Fourth Texas did not 
move leisurely, when making the charge that day. Any sol- 
dier ever in action knows that such a withering, destructive 
fire as was poured upon the Confederates that afternoon, puts 
speed in the legs of the slowest, the weariest and the bravest. 
Save for probably two minutes at the road, and five, at the 
farthest, in the peach and pear orchard, the Fourth Texas 
made no halt between starting point and the batteries. Pride 
and patriotism, esprit de corps, and the dangers threatening, 
each enjoined and assisted in securing rapidity of movement. 

Hood was as ambitious as he was brave and daring. The 
stars and wreath of a major-generalship hung in the near 
perspective. Like Henry of the Wynd, in the combat be- 
tveen the clans, Chattan and Quhile, he " fought for his own 
hand." Not a Texan there, whether by birth or adoption, 
but shared his spirit, and resolved to maintain the reputation 
for desperate courage won for the " Lone Star State " by the 
heroes who at the Alamo fought and died that their com- 
patriots might at San Jacinto fight and win. Therefore, 
Hood urged speed, and the Fourth Texas made speed — such 
speed, indeed, that before sunset they seized and silenced the 
batteries which all day long had played such havoc in the 
Confederate lines. 

Of the half a hundred or more old comrades of the Fourth 
Texas whose testimony has been sought, not one of them but 
remembers distinctly and declares unhesitatingly that the sun 
was yet shining above the tree-tops in the west when his 
regiment drove the enemy from these guns. I was wounded 
in a narrow lane that led from the road running up and down 
the ridge south of Powhite Creek, toward the peach and pear 
orchard in which Hood formed the remnants of the regiment 
for its direct charge upon the guns. I saw the regiment in 
line there, and just behind it, General Hood — his left hand 
raised above his head and grasping the bough of the apple 
tree under which he stood — his right hand holding an up- 
lifted sword — the fact that he held the sword made evident 
to me by the circumstance that its bright blade reflected the 
rays of the still shining sun. As the regiment moved down 
the hill in its direct charge upon the batteries, Austin Jones, 
who was also wounded, and I, went slowly to the rear, and 


until we got three-fourths of the way to Powhite Creek, the 
sun shone in our eyes. In confirmation of my own recollec- 
tion on this question, I have a letter written to me by General 
Stephen D. Lee, May 27, 1899, in which he says that just 
before sundown on the 27th of June, 1862, he was on top of 
the Garnett house, across the Chickahominy from the battle- 
field, with field-glasses in his hands, through which he was 
watching the progress of the fight; that President Davis was 
in the yard below him, and that he (Lee) was reporting his 
observations to Mr. Davis ; that he saw the lines carried by the 
Confederates, but did not know by what command they were 
first broken until messengers brought the information to Mr. 
Davis that ' Hood's Texans had swept everything before 
them, piercing the lines and driving the enemy before them 
in the greatest disorder.' 

I have said this much about the claim of Pickett's Brigade, 
simply because not to deny the justice of that claim would be 
to acquiesce in it. Especially, should it be denied in a his- 
tory whose sole aim is to record the achievements of the 
Texas Brigade. That command has never sought to wear 
laurels won by other commands, but it insists on keeping those 
fairly won by itself, bright and untarnished even by the idle 
suspicion cast upon them by the members of Pickett's Brigade. 

It was when we first came in view of the Federals that we 
suffered our heaviest loss. Whatever their panic later, they 
exhibited no lack of steadiness then, and under the accurately 
aimed volleys of shot and shell they poured into us, more 
than a hundred of our bravest and best fell wounded or dead. 
But thinned as the line was by the fearful discharges, the 
Texans closed to right or left, as need was, to fill the gaps 
made in the line, and pushed swiftly and resolutely on. Of 
the courage displayed by both men and officers, I can say no 
more than that it was splendid. It is useless to say more, 
for it is only brave men that unflinchingly face " the grim 
monster, Death " ; the coward shrinks appalled and trembling 
from him. When thunder of cannon and roar of musketry, 
whistling of bullets and shrieking of larger missiles combine 
in one grand volume of sound; when grape and canister, 
round shot and fragments of burst shells sweep the bosom 
of the earth like a tidal wave from the wide ocean, to say that 


men who breast the storm shoulder to shoulder, and seeking 
no shelter, press on without halt until victory is won, or death 
or wounds lay them low, as did the Texans at Gaines' Mill, 
are brave and heroic, is to attribute to them virtues insepar- 
able from their deeds." 

No one soldier sees all that occurs in the battle in which he 
participates ; it is impossible he should. Officers and privates 
do not see alike even when observing the same occurrence, for 
they look from different angles and standpoints. That being 
the case, as between officers and privates on the firing line 
and taking active part in the engagement, how can a general 
in command of a body of men in action, be expected to know 
all the many important and unimportant incidents that tran- 
spire while his men are advancing under fire, or are in battle? 

Generals Lee, Jackson, Whiting and Hood give in their 
official reports but surface accounts of this or that movement 
■ — it is to the private, and the officer whose duty places him 
almost in line with the private, we must go for particulars, 
for the minutiae — all the many incidents that make the story 
of a battle interesting. That the accounts they give are 
often in conflict with each other, and seldom agree precisely 
with those that appear in official reports, should not discredit 
them. No two persons, ordinarily, exactly agree in their 
relation of incidents in daily, peaceful life, and why should 
not soldiers differ in their accounts of happenings on fields 
of fierce and sanguinary conflict? 

Comrade William R|. Hamby, a member of Company B, 
Fourth Texas, tells the following story of his experiences and 
observations : 

" On the morning of the 26th of June, we left our camp 
near Ashland, Va., about fifteen miles north of Richmond, as 
the advance guard of Stonewall Jackson's corps, marching 
toward Cold Harbor, then in the rear of the Federal army. 
Nearly all of the afternoon and far into the night we could 
hear heavv firing on our right in the direction of Mechanics- 
ville. About three o'clock in the afternoon we passed an old 
Virginia farmer sitting on his fence by the roadside. His 
negroes were in the field cutting wheat. He was delighted 
to see us and waving his hat, said: ' Hurry on, boys: the 
Yankees have just gone flying over the creek.' While he was 


cheering us, Reilley's battery, of our brigade, pulled down 
the fence and ran into the field just in the rear of where the 
old man was sitting and opened fire upon the enemy, who had 
burned the bridge and had taken position on the hill beyond 
the creek in front of us. The first shot from Reilley's guns 
was a surprise to the old man. He fell backward from the 
fence and exclaimed : 6 My God ! a battle here on my planta- 
tion ! ' and then, turning to his negroes, shouted to them to 
get to the woods as fast as their legs could carry them, and 
he led the procession. Company B were thrown forward as 
skirmishers. The enemy were soon dislodged from their posi- 
tion, and we continued to drive them back until we went 
into bivouac for the night. 

" Early in the morning on Friday, June 27, we were again 
on the march through fields, crossing creeks, climbing hills, 
and finally wading a swamp about one hundred yards wide 
and waist-deep in mud and water. After crossing the swamp, 
we climbed another hill and passed through a pine forest 
into the edge of an old field, where a conference was held 
between Generals Lee, Whiting and Hood, which ended by 
Lee and Whiting riding rapidly away. In a short while Gen- 
eral Lee returned, and addressing Lieutenant Walsh of Com- 
pany B, inquired for General Hood, who was only a short 
distance from us and who heard the inquiry. He at once 
saluted General Lee, who said that the efforts to break the 
enemy's lines in front of us had been unsuccessful and that 
it was of the utmost importance to do so. General Hood 
replied : ' We will do it.' As General Lee turned his horse 
to ride away, he lifted his hat and said : ' May God be with 
you ! ' 

" Just before we were ordered into battle, and while heavy 
firing could be heard in our front and on each flank, Captain 
Owens, of our regiment, was talking to some comrades of the 
battle in which we expected soon to be engaged, and, drawing 
his sword and waving it over his head, repeated the following 
lines from Scott's ' Marmion : ' 

" ' The war that for a space did fail 

Now, trebly thundering, swelled the gale, 
" On Stanley ! " was the cry : 


A light on Marmion's visage spread 

And fired his glazing eye; 

With dying hand above his head, 

He shook the fragment of his blade 

And shouted " Victory ! " 

" Charge, Chester, charge ! On, Stanley, on ! " 

Were the last words of Marmion.' 

" While they were the last words of Marmion, they were al- 
most the last words of gallant Tom Owens, who fell mortally 
wounded in less than half an hour from the time he quoted 
them with such prophetic inspiration. 

" The other regiments of our brigade — Hampton's Legion of 
South Carolinians, the First Texas, the Fifth Texas and the 
Eighteenth Georgia — were at once ordered forward on our 
left. Our regiment, the Fourth Texas, moved by the right 
flank farther into the field, fronting the Federal lines, which 
appeared to be about half a mile in front of us. From our 
position we could form some idea of what was required of us. 
At the farther side of the field the enemy occupied a steep 
hill covered with timber; at the foot of the hill was a creek 
whose banks afforded protection by abatis and log breast- 
works ; at the top of the hill was another line of infantry be- 
hind intrenchments and supported by artillery. 

" The troops in front of us who had failed to break the 
enemy's line were retreating in disorder, and to use the lan- 
guage of General Whiting, our division commander, c some 
were skulking from the front in a shameful manner.' The 
conditions confronting us vividly recalled the remark Hood 
had made when he was colonel of our regiment, that he 6 could 
double-quick the Fourth Texas to the gates of Hell and never 
break their line.' 

" About six o'clock in the evening our line was formed un- 
der fire from the enemy in front of us and from artillery that 
enfiladed us on our right and left. General Hood had as- 
sumed personal command of the regiment and ordered us to 
dress to the center upon our colors and not to fire until he 
ordered us to do so. We started at quick-time march with 
our guns at ' right shoulder shift.' The fire from the enemy 
was falling upon us like drops of rain from a passing cloud, 


and as we advanced their messengers of death grew thicker 
until they came in teeming showers, ' while cannon to the right 
and cannon to the left volleyed and thundered.' At every step 
forward our comrades were falling around us. When we were 
within about one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy we 
passed over a line of our own troops lying upon the ground. 
They had gone that far, but would not go farther. A young 
lieutenant of that regiment was pleading with his men to go 
forward; and when they would not do so, he said they had 
disgraced their flag, and, throwing away his sword, he seized 
a musket and joined our ranks; but the brave boy had gone 
only a short distance when he was killed. As we passed this 
regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Warwick snatched up their 
colors, and, like the standard bearer of the Tenth Legion of 
Ancient Rome, told them to follow their flag, but they did not 
do so. With that flag in one hand and his sword in the other, 
the gallant Warwick fell after he had crossed the second line 
of fortifications. 

" General Hood was in our front until we were within about 
one hundred yards of the creek, when he wheeled his horse to 
the right and ordered us to fix bayonets and charge at double- 
quick. Here the fire of the enemy was poured into us with 
increasing fury, cutting down our ranks like wheat in the 

" More than half of our regiment had fallen upon the field, 
although we had not fired a gun. Raising the Rebel yell, 
we dashed across the creek (which we found to have steep 
banks, in some places twenty feet high, with sides cut to 
form a ditch, and climbed over the breastworks, when the 
enemy gave way in confusion. The Federal colonel in com- 
mand of the line broken by the Fourth Texas says : ' All 
along the line our fire was opened on the enemy and main- 
tained in a most vigorous manner. Nothing could have been 
better done. The effect upon his ranks were perceptible, and 
the slope of the hill bore testimony to the steadiness and ac- 
curacy of our fire, yet he moved steadily along until up and 
onto us. When unable to resist, our line broke.' 

" We fired into their retreating ranks as they ran up the 
hill, and reloading as fast as we could, we followed them over 
their second fortifications, when their entire line gave way in 


disorder, but continued to fire as they retreated. A Federal 
officer who was on their second line says : ' The enemy made 
a final and desperate effort to break through our lines, and 
were successful, but not until our weary men were trampled 
upon. The attack was desperate, and so was the defense. 
The noise of the musketry was not rattling as ordinarily, but 
was one intense metallic din.' This position of the Federals 
was strong and well-selected, and their double line of defenses 
ought to have been held against almost any force that could 
have been thrown against them. 

" After we crossed their second line of defenses, eighteen 
pieces of artillery massed on an elevation in the rear of their 
lines on our left opened a heavy fire of grape and canister 
upon us. Without halting to re-form our lines, we charged 
the batteries, capturing fourteen cannon ; but one battery, 
with four guns, succeeded in escaping before we reached them, 
which we had the satisfaction of capturing a couple of months 
later in the second battle of Manassas. We then turned upon 
the retreating infantry and drove them through an old 

" In a short while we felt the ground begin to tremble like 
an earthquake and heard a noise like the rumbling of distant 
thunder. It was a regiment of United States cavalry charg- 
ing us. This regiment was one of the most famous in the 
United States army. Albert Sidney Johnston had been the 
colonel, Robert E. Lee had been the lieutenant-colonel, and J. 
B. Hood had been a lieutenant before resigning to enter the 
Confederate service. The captain of Hood's old company com- 
manded the regiment in the charge, and was captured by us. 

" To hear the trumpets sounding the charge, to see the 
squadrons coming toward us at full speed, and to see their sa- 
bers glistening in the sunlight of the dying day like a flame of 
fire from heaven was a spectacle grand beyond description, and 
imparted a feeling of awe in the bravest of hearts. When 
they were within about forty yards of us, we poured a volley 
into them and prepared to receive them on our bayonets ; but 
our one volley had done dreadful execution. Horses and rid- 
ers fell in heaps upon the ground, and the groans of the 
wounded and the shrieks of the dying could be heard above the 
roar of the battle as the setting sun shed a fading light over 

George S. Quails 
Company G, Fourth Texas Regiment 



the battlefield. Captain McArthur, who succeeded to the 
command of the regiment after the battle, in his official report 
says : s The regiment charged under a most galling fire until 
all the officers but one had been struck down, and, being with- 
out officers, wheeled to the right and came off in as good 
order as could be expected.' 

" After the charge of the cavalry had been repulsed, we 
pushed on to the brow of the hill overlooking the valley of the 
Chickahominy. Desultory firing continued until it was so 
dark we could not distinguish friend from foe a few yards from 
us ; in fact we were fired upon by our own troops, resulting 
in the killing of Lieutenant Lyons, of Company F, of our 

" The gentle breezes of that night in June were whispering 
requiems for the brave spirits who had fought their last battle 
when our regiment was re-formed in line about nine o'clock by 
General Hood, who counted only seventy-two present; but 
others reported during the night who had been separated from 
us in the darkness in the latter part of the battle. 

" The charge of the Fourth Texas at Gaines' Mill was a 
dearly bought victory ; but it broke the Federal lines around 
Richmond, and for a time, at least, the capital of the Con- 
federacy was saved. Out of less than five hundred who went 
into the battle, we lost two hundred and fifty-two men and 
twenty-three officers, killed and wounded, including Colonel 
Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel Warwick, and Major Key. 

" With a detail of one man from each company in the regi- 
ment, I stood picket that night at the corner of the garden 
fence of a farmhouse which we were informed had been the 
headquarters of General Fitz-John Porter, whose corps we had 
fought that day. As the rations issued to us at Ashland on 
the 25th had been exhausted, and as our commissary trains 
were far in the rear, we went on duty with empty haversacks. 
We had been at our post some hours, and could hear the Fed- 
eral troops, pushing their retreat across the bridges of the 
Chickahominy as fast as possible, while the loneliness of the 
night was increased by the wail of the whip-poor-wills that 
came to us from the swamps below us. We were recounting 
the incidents of the day and of the baptism of fire through 
which we had passed, when we heard the tramping of horses 


and the clanking of sabers coming toward us from the direc- 
tion of our own lines. When they were within a short distance 
of us, we halted them and demanded who they were, supposing 
them to be a scouting party of our own cavalry. Although 
it has been nearly fifty years since then, the answer we re- 
ceived will never be forgotten. A pompous voice rang out 
clear and distinct, 6 Major-General McCall, of the Grand 
Army of the Potomac,' which evidently came from one who 
had straightened himself up in his stirrups so as to get the 
answer out strong and forcible. Our surprise can scarcely be 
imagined, as we had heard that General McCall was in com- 
mand of the Federal forces the previous day at the battle of 
Mechanicsville. We at once demanded their surrender, but 
instead of doing so they put spurs to their horses and dashed 
by us down the hill towards their own line, followed by a volley 
from us. 

" General Morell, whose division formed the left wing of 
Porter's corps in the battle of Gaines' Mill, in his final report 
says : ' The Confederates made their first attack about twelve 
o'clock upon the right, which was handsomely repulsed. The 
second attack was made about 2.30 and the third about 5.30 
o'clock, each extending along my entire front, and both, like 
the first, were gallantly repulsed. The fourth and last came 
(about 6.30 p. m.) in irresistible force, and swept us from the 

" General Seymour, whose division went to the support of 
General Morell's division, in reporting the actions of his ar- 
tillery, after we had broken the Federal lines, says : * The 
batteries which had already played an important part now 
endeavored to drive back the Confederates and opened with 
rapidity and precision, but could not contend successfully 
against the bullets of the infantry at short range. Captain 
Easton, nobly encouraging and cheering his men, fell, and his 
battery (six guns) was lost with him. Captain Kerns was 
wounded early in the battle, but in spite of his wound kept the 
field ; and when the enemy came upon his battery, he loaded 
and fired the last shots himself and brought four of his guns 
off the field. Captain De Hart's battery did its best service, 
keeping its ground and delivering its fire against the advanc- 
ing enemy. Captain De Hart was here wounded. All dis- 


played the greatest gallantry ; but no efforts could repel the 
rush of a now successful foe, under whose fire rider and horse 
went down and guns lay immovable on the field.' 

" General R. E. Lee, in his official report of the battle, in 
speaking of the breaking of the enemy's lines, says : ' The 
dead and wounded marked the way of the intrepid advance, 
the brave Texans leading, closely followed by their no less 
daring comrade, driving the enemy from the ravines to their 
first line of breast-works, over which the impetuous column 
dashed up to the intrenchments on the crest of the hill, which 
were quickly stormed and fourteen pieces of artillery captured.' 

" The day following the battle of Gaines' Mill, General 
Jackson, in riding over the ground where the Fourth Texas 
had charged, exclaimed, ' The men who carried this position 
were soldiers indeed,' and in his official report of the battle 
said: 'In this charge, in which more than a thousand men 
fell, killed and wounded, before the fire of the enemy and in 
which fourteen pieces of artillery were captured, the Fourth 
Texas, under the lead of General Hood, was the first to pierce 
these strongholds and seize the guns. Although swept from 
their defenses by this rapid and almost matchless display 
of daring and desperate valor, the well-disciplined Federals 
continued to fight with stubborn resistance as they re- 

" General Whiting, our division commander, in his official 
report of the battle, said : 6 The battle was severe, hotly con- 
tested, and gallantly won. I take pleasure in calling special 
attention to the Fourth Texas, which was the first to break 
the enemy's line and enter his works. Of the other regiments 
in the division, it would be invidious and unjust to mention 
one above another.' " 

Writing of the part taken by the Fifth Texas in the bat- 
tle of Gaines' Mill, Captain W. T. Hill, who was then first 
lieutenant of Company D of that regiment, says : 

" On the night of June 26, 1862, the Fifth Texas bivouacked 
with its comrade regiments of the Texas Brigade at Hundley's 
Corner, several miles from the battlefield of next day. The 
sleep we got might have been more restful but for the excite- 
ment caused by the carelessness of advance cavalry scouts. 
They let a bunch of their horses stampede, and as the animals 


came directly toward us, and from the front, they were thought 
to be a body of the enemy's cavalry charging down upon our 
camp, and the regiment was hurriedly called to arms. On the 
morning of the £7th the Texas Brigade resumed the march, 
the Fifth Texas in the advance. 

" Shortly before noon, General Jackson rode by us, on his 
way to the front. At the head of the regiment he found Gen- 
eral Hood, who, tired of motonous marching and impatient 
to get to fighting, said to him : ' General Jackson, the enemy 
keeps well out of my way — what shall I do? ' ' Press on, sir — 
press on,' replied Jackson. But although we did press on, it 
was not until about 4.30 p. m. that the brigade reached a 
point on the telegraph road near the firing line, then occupied 
by troops under command of General Longstreet. They and 
the troops under General A. P. Hill had begun their terrible 
fighting 1 on the 26th and were still at it. Here, the brigade 
was formed into line of battle such that from right to left the 
regiments, excepting the Fourth Texas, stood, the Eighteenth 
Georgia, First Texas, Fifth Texas and Hampton's Legion. 
The Fourth Texas was being held in reserve, and later, led by 
General Hood himself, went into action on the right of the 
Eighteenth Georgia. Between the four regiments then in line 
of battle was quite a wide space, the Fifth Texas taking posi- 
tion at least a third of a mile from the ground over which the 
Fourth made its grand charge. 

" Line of battle was formed in comparatively open ground, 
but in front of us was a forest of heavy timber. Just before 
we entered that timber many members of a Georgia regiment 
came running in great disorder from the front, and right 
into us, calling out as they came near, ' Don't go any fur- 
ther, men — you'll all be killed if you do.' Our men de- 
nounced them as cowards, thinking thus to shame them, and 
this failing, sought to hold them back by a show of bayonets. 
But no effort availed to halt their mad flight, and rushing be- 
tween the bayonets they fled to the rear. Continuing our ad- 
vance under a heavy artillery fire, we entered the boggy 
marshes in which Powhite Creek had its source, and beyond 
it came to a ridge occupied by the braver comrades of the 
cowards we had met. Halting here to give time to the slow- 
movers of the regiment to catch up with their companies, we 


fired about three rounds in the direction of the enemy in our 
front, who were concealed from view by the timber. 

" While thus halted, we saw, some distance in front of us, 
a lone Georgian whom a shot in the head crazed, and who, 
standing upright, was making the wildest and oddest gesticu- 
lations imaginable, with his arms. Two of our men ran out 
to him, and brought him back to a place of safety. Just 
after crossing the marsh a cannon ball came rolling slowly 
down the hill. Nobody feared it — it was moving, apparently, 
with too little momentum to be at all dangerous. But we 
knew better when it struck a member of Comapny I in the 
stomach and drew from him a scream of pain that was fearful 
to hear. Its movement arrested by impact with the poor 
fellow's body, it stopped within ten feet of him. The soldier 
received from it a mortal wound ; one of his comrades told me 
next day that he died from the effect of the blow, his body 
having swollen to near the size of a flour barrel. 

" It is but fair to the men whose retreat we endeavored to 
stop to say that they were armed only with old-style, smooth- 
bore and short-range muskets carrying i buck and ball,' or 
one ball and three buckshot. Such weapons were only dan- 
gerous at closer quarters than their bearers had gotten to 
the enemy. The Federals, though, carried Springfield rifles 
of long range and large caliber, and so had much the advan- 
tage of their poorly armed antagonists. But when the Fifth 
Texas, which was armed with Enfield rifles, moved up to the 
ridge, the advantage shifted to the side of the best marks- 
men, and that, it soon appeared, the Texans were. Many of 
the Georgians, notably those whom we met in retreat, had 
soon decided it was time for them either to get further from, 
or move closer to the enemy, and had chosen the getting fur- 
ther as the safer alternative. That no such choice was forced 
upon the Texans, is evident from the circumstance that after 
three carefully aimed volleys from them the Union troops 
immediately in their front got out of range so rapidly and 
numerously as to leave but few in the line to receive the charge 
of the Fifth that was immediately ordered. 

H Again with a loud yell, our line sprang forward. At the 
very outset, Sergeant Onderdonk, of Company A, our flag- 
bearer, was shot down. R. A. Brantley, of Company D, 


sprang forward and, seizing the flag, bore it bravely through 
the battle then on, and continued to bear it gallantly until, 
just before the battle of Second Manassas, it was resigned 
to another member of the regiment. The effort by the Fed- 
erals still remaining in line to stay our advance was fruitless ; 
many of them were killed outright, the others chased through 
their encampment. This was a sea of white tents. Planned 
for the occupation of a large force, it had been carefully laid 
off and kept remarkably clean. After passing into the open 
ground beyond the camp located, the Fifth Texas continued 
its advance to the crest of a hill in a large field and there 
halted to readjust its alignment. As formed, our line over- 
lapped, on the right, several of the cannon previously cap- 
tured by the Fourth Texas. Approaching these guns at the 
same time we did, came some scattering men belonging to the 
Fourth Texas, who for some cause had failed to keep up with 
their comrades, then in front of us on our right and out of 

" Having restored its line, the Fifth Texas marched south- 
east through the field, in the direction of Grapevine Bridge, 
about two hundred yards. Neither friend nor foe coming 
within its view, it countermarched and took position again near 
the cannon. For about ten minutes nothing happened. Then 
bullets commenced flying over our heads from the rear, and 
facing about, we saw a line of troops bearing the Federal flag 
coming toward us through the encampment. As they emerged 
from the protection of the tents, we began to fire on them. 
But there was no fight in them — that was taken out the mo- 
ment they saw a Rebel regiment in their front. Without 
firing another shot, they lowered their flag and commenced 
waving hats and handkerchiefs in token of surrender. So 
anxious, indeed, were they to surrender, that they came run- 
ning toward us as though they recognized us as dearly beloved 
but long lost brothers, and our men had actually to push many 
of them back to prevent them from getting right in among 
us. Unfortunately, too, although offering every other evidence 
of surrender, they forgot, or at least, many of them did, to 
throw down their guns. As a consequence of this failure on 
their part, many were fired on at close range by individual 
members of the Fifth Texas. I was lucky enough to save the 


life of one of them. As one of my company was in the act 
of firing on him — the two were hardly ten feet apart — and 
the Federal still had his rifle — I knocked up the Confederate's 

" The regiment surrendering was the Sixth New Jersey. 
Judging from the fact that it came from the direction we sup- 
posed the First Texas to be, we argued that it was driven 
back and into our arms by that regiment. Previous to its 
capture by us, a lone cannon fired many times at us from a 
hill half a mile east of the Fifth, but did no damage. Be- 
tween this gun and Grapevine Bridge, stood a division of the 
enemy, massed in column, which had evidently come that far 
to the front with a view of reinforcing their assaulted lines. 
They came too late though ; there were no longer any lines at 
the front to reinforce. 

" On our march to the battle ground that morning, when 
four miles or more from it, the Fifth, and I suppose, all the 
other regiments of the Texas Brigade, was ordered to deposit 
blankets, knapsacks and other impediments to rapid motion, 
by companies, in piles. Over these, guards were placed, the 
men being told that wagons would come along to transport 
and return them to the owners. But to this day no wagons, 
with our all, have overtaken us. Our loss was total and 
serious. We never secured an outfit of clothes and blankets 
to compare with those abandoned. The Fifth Texas supplied 
itself liberally from the stores left in the Federal camps, but 
along with what they took they got army lice enough for a 
large division of troops. 

" As already said, the Fourth and the Fifth Texas entered 
the battle about one-third of a mile apart. The Fourth 
moved, I think, southeast, while the Fifth moved south or a 
little southeast, their lines of advance converging at such 
angles as, had not the Fourth had much the shorter line, and 
the easier to make speed over, would have brought the two 
commands together at the batteries. General Hood remained 
with, and directed the movements of the Fourth, until it began 
the charge from the orchard where it halted to re-form, on the 
batteries. When the Fourth got under headway, he sent 
for his horse, and when the animal came, rode to the front to 
find that the Fourth Texas and the Eighteenth Georgia had 


captured the batteries, and the Fifth Texas, a whole regiment 
of the enemy. This would indicate, that long and difficult as 
was the route forward pursued by the Fifth, it had not tarried 
by the way, but had moved promptly and vigorously. As 
from the beginning of the advance till night came, no regiment 
of the brigade came within view of the Fifth, it played the 
part of a lone knight on the field, anxious to meet and defeat 
the enemy, but unable to do so because of his rapid disap- 
pearance and continued absence. It carried with the battle 
800 men. Its losses in killed and wounded were few. 

" On the morning of the 28th, in company with other 
officers, I looked at the fortified position of the enemy which 
the Fourth Texas had assaulted so successfully, and wondered 
how any of the assailants escaped with their lives. Not again 
during the four years of war was another such charge made. 
General Jackson did right in mentioning the Fourth Texas 
in his official report as having been the first Confederates ' to 
pierce these strongholds and seize the guns.' Nor was it ful- 
some and undeserved praise he bestowed when the day after the 
engagement, while surveying the ground over which the Fourth 
Texas charged, he said to General Hood, * The men who car- 
ried this position were soldiers indeed.' 

5 5J 

As a supplement to the foregoing account of the part taken 
by the Fifth Texas in the engagement of Gaines' Mill, the fol- 
lowing anecdote will not come amiss. Its truth is vouched for 
by more than one of the survivors of the Fifth Texas. As 
introduction to it, it must be told that Lieutenant-Colonel J. 
C. Upton was in command of the Fifth Texas -when the New 
Jerseyans surrendered, Colonel J. B. Robertson having been 
wounded before the Fifth came so far. Upton was one of 
that adventurous, self-reliant and plain-mannered class of peo- 
ple to whom military uniform and a long unwieldy sword were 
nuisances. That day, a woolen overshirt constituted his uni- 
form, and while his sword trailed at his side, he carried in his 
right hand, as was his habit, the long-handled frying pan in 
which was fried the bacon for himself and mess. But for the 
look of command in his eyes and the deference paid him by 
his command, one would never have suspected his rank. 

Having made up their minds to surrender, both the men 


and the officers of the Sixth New Jersey were in haste to re- 
lieve themselves of the unwelcome job; apparently, each 
of them thought, " if it were done when 'tis done, then 'twere 
well it were done quickly." The privates and non-commis- 
sioned officers had naught to do save drop their guns. The 
commissioned officers, though, must, to play the game of war 
with dignity, surrender their swords to equals or superiors 
in rank. Therefore, their first inquiry of their captors was, 
"Where is your commanding officer?" "There he stands," 
said a Texan, pointing to Colonel Upton. But there was so 
little of the commanding officer in Upton's make-up and pose, 
that for half a minute the Federal officers stood in doubt. 
Reassured of his rank, however, they rushed toward him from 
all parts of their line, each man endeavoring to be the first to 
reach him. When the foremost officer unsheathed his sword 
and holding it by the blade, proffered it to Upton, he said, 
" Just drop it on the ground, will you." " Indeed, I will 
not," said the Federal indignantly. " As major of the Sixth 
New Jersey regiment of infantry, I tender the weapon to you 
as token that I am your prisoner, and I insist, sir, on your in- 
stant acceptance of it." " Well," said Upton, " hand the thing 
to me," which was immediately done, Upton taking the sword 
in his left hand, as he also did the next one tendered. Then 
noticing that twenty or more of the same weapons were on their 
way to him, and unwilling to lay aside the frying pan that 
was yet in his right hand, he crooked his right arm and as 
each sword was presented, laid it in the crook of that soon 
heavily loaded limb. At first, the swords taken behaved with 
commendable decorum, but ere the last was laid on the pile of 
them, they began to get crosswise, and to slip and slide about 
in a way that soon put each of them pointing in a different 

At this juncture, Colonel Upton became aware of a com- 
motion at the far end from him of the almost surrendered regi- 
ment. Springing to the top of a nearby log, the armful of 
sabers dangling in every direction, he shouted to a Texan 
who seemed to be having trouble, " Say, Big John Ferris, what 
the mischief and Tom Walker are you trying to do now? " 
" I'm trying to keep a lot of these d — d Yankees from es- 
caping," came back the response in a stentorian voice. " Let 


them go, you infernal fool," returned Upton, " let them go ; 
we'd a d — d sight rather fight 'em than feed 'em." 

It is matter for regret that no accounts of the parts taken 
in the battle by the First Texas, the Eighteenth Georgia and 
Hampton's Legion are forthcoming. The two or three com- 
panies forming the right wing of the Eighteenth Georgia, be- 
ing in open, unobstructed ground, moved forward in line with 
the Fourth Texas, and assisted in the capture of the batteries, 
but the other companies of the regiment could not make the 
same headway over the ground in their front. That over 
which the First Texas and Hampton's Legion had to pass 
was probably the most difficult, and their movement forward 
was so retarded by swamp and morass, fallen timber and the 
profusion of vines and undergrowth, that it was practically 
impossible for them to gain the enemy's lines as soon as the 
regiments on their right. 

In his official report, General Hood gives the losses of the 
brigade, as follows : 

Hampton's Legion — Two killed, 18 wounded, none missing. 

Eighteenth Georgia — Sixteen killed, 126 wounded, & missing. 

First Texas — Fourteen killed, 64 wounded, none missing. 

Fourth Texas — Forty-four killed, 207 wounded, 1 missing. 

Fifth Texas — Thirteen killed, 62 wounded, none missing. 

But he does not correctly state the number of killed and 
wounded in the three Texas regiments. In these, the First 
Texas had 20 killed and 56 wounded; the Fourth Texas, 75 
killed and 176 wounded, and the Fifth Texas, 15 killed and 
52 wounded. 


Savage Station, Frayser's Farm, Malvern Hill, Kelly's 

Ford, Freeman's Ford, Thoroughfare Gap, 

Second Manassas 

On the day following that of Games' Mill, the Texas Bri- 
gade counted up its losses and buried its dead. Many had 
fallen dead on the field of honor ; others lived long enough 
to send last messages to their loved ones, and still others lin- 
gered and died in hospitals amid utter strangers. Wrapped 
in a blanket, the soldier's shroud, the bodies of such comrades 
as died on the field were laid side by side in shallow trenches, 
each regiment's dead to itself. At the head of each body 
was placed a rough, rudely lettered board to tell whose it was, 
and then the earth was heaped in a high mound over the 
common grave. A few, whose bodies, it was thought, their 
friends would likely desire to remove, were buried in separate 

On the morning of the 29th, the enemy in the meantime 
having made good his escape to the south side of the Chicka- 
hominy, and being now so little desirous of capturing Rich- 
mond as to be making his best speed down the James River 
and away from it, Whiting's division followed Jackson's 
troops in pursuit — a body of Texas scouts leading the ad- 
vance of Jackson's command. Inasmuch as, although under 
fire of both artillery and musketry at Savage Station on the 
afternoon of the 29th, at Frayser's Farm on the 30th — where, 
by the explosion of a shell from a Federal battery, nearly all 
of Company M of the First Texas was killed or wounded — 
and at Malvern Hill, on the 1st of July, where it lay exposed 
for long hours to the merciless fire of Federal artillery, the 
Texas Brigade took active part in neither attack nor repulse, 
the description of these battles is left to the general historian. 
Suffice it here to say, that owing to blunders and misunder- 
standings, absence of reliable maps of the country, the in- 



competency of the guides secured, and various other causes, 
the defeat of the Federal army was not as complete and over- 
whelming as it should have been, and as General Lee san- 
guinely hoped it would be. 

McClellan having accomplished the " change of base " to 
which he was driven by the Confederate commander, and be- 
taken himself, with his army, to the protection of the gun- 
boats in James River, at Harrison's Landing, General Lee 
ordered Longstreet to remain in the vicinity of the Landing, 
and observe his movements, and recalling Jackson's com- 
mand from the front, ordered it to Culpeper Court House, 
north of the Rapidan. General Pope — the puissant Federal 
general who, from headquarters " in the saddle ' bombasti- 
cally proclaimed that he was accustomed in the West, where 
up to that date he had served, to see only the backs of the 
enemy, and that with the army under him there would be no 
retreats, and who was then commanding " the Army of Vir- 
ginia," composed of the corps of Banks, Fremont and Mc- 
Dowell, was making demonstrations indicating an intention 
to move down on Richmond, and Jackson was sent to adminis- 
ter a check to his puissancy. 

Whiting's division, though, not belonging properly to Jack- 
son's command, was returned to that of Longstreet, and about 
the 10th of July was ordered into camp on the Mechanics- 
ville road, three miles from Richmond. Here the Texas Bri- 
gade remained idle and at rest until the 8th of August. Since 
June 11th it had been almost constantly on the move — its 
days of rest few, its marches long and wearisome, its hard- 
ships many, its dangers great, its losses in battle heavy, and 
it was grateful indeed for the lengthy exemption from hard 
service. To the Texans at this place came long-delayed let- 
ters, and our captures from the Federal army large, a great 
deal of much-needed clothing, and with the latter, that pest 
of the soldier, the body louse. Up to this time we had no 
acquaintance with the animal — thenceforward to the close of 
the war, he remained with us. 

On the 8th of August the brigade folded its tents, and 
shouldering its guns began the marching that, with but few 
rests, was to continue until December of that year. It 
marched light, each man having by this time learned what 


weight he could comfortably carry, and therefore, dispensing 
with all superfluities. Still, we could not reduce the weight 
to be carried to less than about thirty-six pounds. A gun 
weighed about ten pounds, the cartridge box, cap-box, bayonet 
and the belts and straps to which these hung, another ten, 
and the roll of blanket and tent, or oil-cloth, still another ten. 
Add to these the weight of the haversack, in which not only 
provisions but under-clothing and many other necessities were 
carried, and the total, on a fair estimate, was never less 
than thirty-six pounds, and often went a little beyond 
forty. A canteen full of water weighed at least three 

For three days the march was leisurely. On the llth 3 haste 
was enjoined. Jackson had engaged in battle with Pope at 
Cedar Run, near the mountain of the same name, on the 9th, 
and had not only defeated the Federals but inflicted upon 
them a heavy loss. He held the field until the night of the 
11th, and then learning that his antagonist had received rein- 
forcements and would move against him with an overwhelm- 
ing force, he retired to the south side of the Rapidan. 
Thither Longstreet hastened, and on the 15th took position 
along the Rapidan, on the right of Jackson — the Texas 
Brigade, at Raccoon ford. On the 20th, there was a simul- 
taneous advance by both Confederate commanders across the 
Rapidan and toward the Rappahannock — Whiting's division, 
now under command of General Hood and hereinafter to be 
spoken of as Hood's division, leading Longstreet's advance. 
General Lee himself was now up and directing the Confederate 

Learning of the advance, and fearing to join battle, Gen- 
eral Pope hastily retreated to the north side of the Rappahan- 
nock, taking position there to command all fords in his front. 
The Texas Brigade followed rapidly, and at Kelly's ford came 
under a heavy artillery fire and had a light skirmish with the 
rear-guard of the enemy. Here it was that Captain Reilly, 
commanding one of the batteries attached to the brigade, let 
his imperfection of sight lead him into trouble with his su- 
periors. While yet the cannonading on both sides was in 
progress, a lone horseman rode into the river at the ford, bear- 
ing a white flag. Swearing that although he could see man 


and horse distinctly, he could see no flag, Reilly trained and 
fired a gun at the fellow, the round shot plunging into the 
water three feet to his right. That not calling him to a halt, 
Captain Reilly, still insisting that he could see no white flag, 
fired two more shots, one of which struck the water a few 
feet to the left of the horseman, and the other, five feet in 
front of him. Hardly, though, was the last shot on its way, 
when an aide-de-camp dispatched by General Hood came at 
full speed, and halting near Captain Reilly, shouted : " Gen- 
eral Hood says stop your d — d foolishness — that man is bear- 
ing a flag of truce." " An' so, be Jasus, he is," confessed 
Reilly with a grin, " but in the name of St. Pathrick an' all 
the ither hoully saints, whoy didn't the spalpeen hould the 
domned white rag high enough for an Irishman to per- 
saive it? " 

At Freeman's ford, on the following day, occurred the fun- 
niest incident that ever precipitated a conflict between bodies 
of armed men. Having crossed Hazel River, the Texas Bri- 
gade formed in line just inside of a field of com in good roast- 
ing ear. On the other side of the field and on the south 
side of the Rappahannock, yet lingered a Federal brigade. 
The Confederates were hungry, the Federals in the same fix, 
and roasting ears in sight, each wanted a share of them. 
Each in position to watch the other from its main line, neither 
of the opposing brigades had out a skirmish or picket line. 
Two soldiers, the one a Dutchman belonging to the Union 
army, the other a Prussian serving in the Confederate, hap- 
pened to be in the field at the same time, gathering corn, and 
each fastidious as to quality, each wandered toward the center 
of it, and just when each had an armful of roasting ears, they 
came face to face. 

Neither uttered a word, but dropping the corn, each rushed 
at the other and began to pound him with his fists. That 
proving slow work, they clinched, and finally falling, began a 
mighty wrestle for supremacy that was punctuated by vigor- 
ous kicks and thrusts at each other. Which was first worsted, 
which first raised the cry for help from his compatriots that 
was immediately joined in by the other, will never be known, 
the two cries arising so nearly simultaneously. The Federals 
were first to move to the rescue, but the Texans were not far 


behind them in starting — the lines of battle meeting about the 
center of the field — and for a few minutes there was a hot 
fight, the First and Fifth Texas bearing the brunt of it and 
each losing men. The Fifth, however, might have escaped 
any loss, had it not carried the Lone Star flag on an unus- 
ually long staff. Floating high above the corn, this flag 
caught the eye of an expert Federal artillerist, and the shell 
he fired at it exploding just in front of it, Major Whaley 
and another man were killed outright, and four men were 
wounded. Although under fire, the Fourth Texas, Eighteenth 
Georgia and Hampton's Legion suffered no loss. 

On the 22nd, General Lee's effort was to force a passage 
across the Rappahannock and bring on an engagement. That 
night, Confederate cavalry raided Catlett's station, and cap- 
tured, among other things, General Pope's dispatch book. 
Forwarded to Lee, this revealed the exact location of each com- 
mand of Pope's army, of its pressing need of reinforcements, 
and of the dates on which these were expected to arrive. Lee 
immediately changed his plan of operations. Obeying his in- 
structions, Jackson made a flank movement, and passing well 
around the Federal right flank, arrived on the afternoon of 
the 26th, at Bristoe's station, seven miles from Manassas 
Junction, the main depot of supplies for Pope's army. Hav- 
ing destroyed these, he marched on the morning of the 27th 
to the plains of Manassas, the scene of the battle of that 
name, and by his seemingly erratic movements in that section, 
set the Federal commanders far and near to guessing where he 
might be found. 

Nevertheless, Jackson's command was in grave peril. Only 
by the speedy arrival of Longstreet's columns could disaster 
to it be averted. Longstreet, however, was held on the south 
side of the Rappahannock by the main Federal army until 
the 26th, when, learning that Jackson was in his rear and 
imagining there was a chance to capture him and his whole 
command, Pope opened the way for Longstreet's advance by 
a rapid retreat in the direction of Washington. At 2 p. m. 
of the same day, the 26th, the Texas Brigade began its long- 
est and most exhausting march. On a bee-line, it was about 
thirty miles to Groveton, the little town near which Jackson 
was practically hemmed in — by way of Thoroughfare Gap, 


it was nearly, if not quite, forty. All that night and until 
after sunset of the next, the men tramped steadily but wearily 
and sleepily on — their only rest, that taken in the five minutes 
of every hour allowed them. All knew that Jackson's men 
were in peril and that only by their timely arrival could he 
hope to escape defeat and capture, and all willing to do their 
best, there was no grumbling, no voluntary straggling, and 
but little lagging. 

The sky was cloudless, the sun hot, the dust thick, and 
places where we might fill our canteens with water, few and 
far between ; but still, although feet blistered, legs grew 
wearier and wearier, flesh sweltered and bones ached, and after 
each brief rest we rose to our feet stiff and sore, we moved on 
and on — toward the last, too near the point of exhaustion to 
bestow a glance of admiration on the beautiful scenery through 
which we were passing, and almost too tired even to respond, 
with a cheer, to the grateful salutations of the bevies of ladies 
fair who at the little towns on our route stood on the streets 
to encourage us by their approving smiles. Indeed, so fatigu- 
ing became the march of the 27th, so sleepily and unob- 
servantly did we plod along, that few saw the gruesome spec- 
tacle of the corpse in gray uniform that hung by the neck 
from the limb of an oak, scarcely two hundred yards from the 
road we followed. It was that of a self-confessed spy, who, 
lured by the promise of an immense sum of gold, had under- 
taken to delay the march of Longstreet's troop long enough 
to afford time for Pope and his lieutenants to capture or de- 
stroy Jackson and his men. 

The night of August 27th was one of sound slumber and 
imperatively needed rest. Awaking next morning, refreshed 
and vigorous, the men lighted their fires and clustering around 
them were cooking and eating their slender rations when the 
announcement was made that at 8 a. m. the march would be 
resumed. Thoroughfare Gap, although yet half a day's jour- 
ney distant, was in plain view, and through it we must pass, 
and beyond it reach, in order to relieve Jackson and his brave 
men. It was occupied by the enemy when in the afternoon we 
approached it, and Law's brigade and skirmishers from the 
Texas took an active part in the fighting that followed, and 
which resulted in the retreat of the enemy. The way clear, the 


Texas Brigade marched through the gap, following the rail- 
road track, and shortly after sunset went into bivouac on a 
hill-side just beyond. 

An hour later, everybody except Bill Calhoun, of Company 
B, Fourth Texas, was resting comfortably. He was an odd- 
ity of whom the Texas Brigade was proud, for although 
usually sad of countenance and melancholy of mien, in his 
bosom dwelt a spirit of drollery that was constantly efferves- 
cing and running over. His mess-mate and bed-fellow was 
Davidge. Carrying out a well-conceived plan for an equit- 
able distribution of baggage, Davidge, on the morning of 
the 28th, was intrusted with the transportation of the blankets 
and tent-cloths of the mess — Bill Calhoun with that of the 
provisions and the frying-pan. Davidge straggled, and when 
camping time came, was not on hand. Confident that he 
would soon put in his appearance, Bill prepared supper for 
the mess, and Davidge still remaining absent, ate it all him- 
self. Then lighting his pipe, between puffs he chatted with 
such of his company as would listen and respond. The re- 
sponses, after a while, growing few and sleepy, he declined 
an invitation of a friend to share the friend's blankets, and 
remarking that Davidge would surely be along soon, stretched 
himself out on the bare ground, and was soon asleep. But 
the night was cool enough to make some covering necessary, 
and though Bill endured the hardness of his couch and the 
chilliness of the air without a murmur until midnight, he 
could endure it no longer. Standing erect in the midst of the 
2500 recumbent forms that darkened the moonlit hill-side, he 
broke into magniloquent apostrophe: 

" Oh, Davidge, Davidge ! " he cried, " friend of my bosom 
and possessor of my blanket, where art thou, Davidge, this 
cold and comfortless night? Art thou, indeed, false to thy 
many professions, false to the sacred obligations of the true 
and loyal friendship thou hast so often and fervently de- 
clared, and oblivious of duty, forgetful of the friend who has 
confided to thee even the well-worn blanket on which he de- 
pendeth for protection from the chilling blasts of winter? Art 
thou now peacefully and blissfully, but alas, ungratefully, re- 
clining on some hospitable feather bed and dreaming of the 
joys that will be thine ' when this cruel war is over,' or art 


thou, beguiled and betrayed by the demon of intemperance 
that hath bestowed upon thee such a damnable thirst for 
apple-jack, wallowing like a filthy and disreputable hog in the 
dirt before the door of some far-away mountain still-house, 
while I — thy friend and mess-mate, thy boon companion in 
happiness and adversity — stand here alone, a homeless, house- 
less, blanketless orphan, his wandering and faltering foot- 
steps guided only by the pale light of yonder refulgent orb of 
night, his shivering body covered only by the blue canopy of 
the sky, his restless slumber watched over only by the myriads 
of twinkling stars that shine in the heavens above him? Alas, 
Davidge, thou hitherto trusted friend and companion and 
confidant of my youth and my manhood ! Thou hast been 
weighed in the balance and found wanting. The surrounding 
and circumambient circumstances and facts furnish proof 
strong as holy writ, that I have been duped, deceived and out- 
witted, and ungratefully left to encounter the slings and ar- 
rows of misfortune alone and unsustained by any human aid." 
And dropping suddenly from the sublime to the ridiculous, 
Bill nudged the nearest man with his foot, and in a voice of 
entreaty that would have melted the hardest of hearts, said: 
" Say, Bill Hamby, roll over just a little bit, and let me get 
under the shadow of your blanket. If you don't, ere the 
morning's dawn illumines the eastern horizon, I'll be a stand- 
ing monument to man's inhumanity to man." 

The morning of the 29th dawned unclouded, but full of 
portentous sound. From the direction of Groveton came the 
deep bellows of artillery and the dull indistinct roar of mus- 
ketry. General Pope was obviously early at work in his effort 
to bag Jackson's little army before that of Longstreet could 
reach and relieve it. Shortly after sunrise, the Texas Brigade 
— the only command that had passed through the gap — was in 
motion toward the sound of the firing. In advance of it went 
Lieutenant-Colonel John C. Upton, of the Fifth Texas, in com- 
mand of one hundred and fifty skirmishers and with orders 
to keep the way clear for the brigade. He obeyed these or- 
ders both in letter and spirit, for although opposed by infan- 
try, cavalry and artillery, he put them to retreat and ad- 
vanced so rapidly, and the brigade followed so close on his 
heels, that General Longstreet more than once sent orders 


forward to halt the Texas Brigade until the troops in its rear 
could overtake it. 

By 11 a. m. Upton drove the Federals beyond the cut in an 
unfinished railroad, in which Jackson's men, although sorely 
beset, were yet holding their ground, and coming up, Law's 
Brigade fell into line of battle to the right of Jackson, and 
the Texas Brigade on the right of Law's — the other troops 
as they arrived extending Longstreet's line a mile or more 
to the right of the Texas Brigade. Approximately Long- 
street's line faced to the northeast, Jackson's to the southeast, 
thus forming an obtuse angle, the Federal lines running par- 
allel with those of the Confederates, but northeast and south- 
east of them. 

The Texas Brigade formed along the southwestern edge of 
a strip of timber extending far to its right, but only a short 
distance to its left. In front of this strip of timber, lay an 
open, slightly undulating wheatfield, or meadow into which, 
in front of the Fifth Texas, Eighteenth Georgia and Hamp- 
ton's Legion, the woods jutted. Across the wheatfield, which 
in front of the First and Fourth Texas was about three hun- 
dred yards wide, stood a rather dense forest, covering, perhaps, 
four hundred acres of land, which immediately in front of those 
regiments was about three hundred and fifty yards wide — its 
northeast edge approaching within thirty yards of the crest 
of the slope on whose southwest side it lay. From that crest, 
the ground sloped rapidly for a couple of hundred yards to 
one of the prongs of Young's branch, and beyond the prong, 
rose as rapidly until its highest altitude reached, it stretched 
off toward Bull Run Creek in a fairly level plateau, dotted 
sparsely with clumps of young pine and cedar. 

Having secured position on his right, Longstreet seemed dis- 
posed to let Jackson maintain the contest unaided save by the 
artillery under his command, which he posted on the high 
hills just to the left of Law's Brigade. Assisted by that, Jack- 
son's men repulsed every one of the five successive, well- 
planned, bravely-led and gallant assaults made upon them 
during the afternoon. Then at the point of exhaustion, they 
made their first urgent appeal for help. Longstreet still loth 
to extend it, General Lee, at sunset, ordered Hood's division 
forward. In five minutes from the time Lee gave the order, 


it was advancing, a strong line of skirmishers in its front. 
Much to its surprise, the Texas Brigade was not fired upon 
by even Federal skirmishers until, having crossed the wheat- 
field and passed through the timber beyond that, it came to 
open ground. There, the enemy's skirmishers opened a brisk 
fire upon our own, but continued it only a few minutes and 
then fled. The twilight is short in Virginia, and troops mov- 
ing in line of battle through a woodland obstructed by under- 
growth, make slow headway, and by the time the main line of 
the brigade reached the open ground, and descending the 
slope, crossed the branch at its foot, it was too dark to dis- 
tinguish friends from foes at ordinary musket range. 

Somehow, too, it happened that Law's and the Texas Bri- 
gades moved forward on converging lines. Owing to this 
circumstance, one of Law's regiments passed across the front 
of the First Texas, and when halted at the branch to perfect 
its alignment, stood exactly in front of the Fourth Texas. 
This failure to move straightforward, on parallel lines, com- 
bined with the darkness to intermingle the two brigades and 
create confusion. While a semblance of order was being re- 
stored, from the hill-side in our rear came the flashes and re- 
ports of many small arms, fired, obviously, by opposing bodies 
of troops. Staff officers immediately galloped in that direc- 
tion, but before they had gone half-way the firing ceased, and 
as if by magic, a line of camp-fires appeared all along the crest 
of the ridge in our rear. Five minutes later, the Texas 
Brigade was ordered to move by the left flank, which placed 
the First Texas in the lead. We had gone scarcely a hun- 
dred yards, though, when a loud peremptory "Halt ! " broke 
the silence that had fallen on the field, and the next moment 
a shot rang out, and was followed by several others. 

At the word, the brigade came to a sudden stop, the men 
standing motionless with wonder. A minute later the strange 
caution came whispered from man to man, all along the line, 
" Silence ! We are surrounded by the enemy." It was the 
truth, and for a minute or more, a sadly humiliating truth, 
since to be surrounded presaged speedy capture and resulting 
shame and mortification. But our humiliation lasted but a 
second or two ; with arms still in our hands, we could fight 
our way out, or die; and thus resolving, we asked each other 


in whispers how in the mischief we had got ourselves into 
such a trap. It had been easy to do so ; moving forward on 
converging lines, the two brigades of the division had simply 
driven themselves, wedge-like, into the unoccupied space be- 
tween two Federal brigades — the darkness of the night and 
the suddenness of the movement having prevented them from 
discovering our passage. When, however, they did discover 
it, they moved closer to each other and thus closed the gap 
through which we had entered. But in doing that, they made 
the gap between themselves and the brigade on their left wider 
than was safe, and through this, after midnight, we stole, 
with bated breaths and noiseless steps, back to the line from 
which we had started. 

The loss of the Texas Brigade on the S9th was light. As 
now recalled, but two of its men were wounded, and one cap- 
tured. Colonel Work, of the First Texas, was one of the 
wounded. While advancing with his regiment in the darkness 
and over strange ground, he ordered his men to shoot at 
everybody that appeared in the front. The men, however, 
were unwilling to do this, lest they fire into their friends, and 
coming at last within sixty yards of a line of troops stand- 
ing silent and motionless, refused to fire at them. Work in- 
sisted they were Yankees, and to prove it, unwisely pushed 
forward alone to decide the question. But when within twenty 
yards of the suspected line, he ran up against a vidette whom 
he took to be a lone Confederate, and asked if the troops 

just beyond him were not Yankees. " You are a rebel, d 

you," instantly exclaimed the vidette, making a movement to 
bring his gun to his shoulder. But before he could level it, 
Colonel Work sprang at him, wrested the gun out of his 
hands, and aiming at him, pulled the trigger. 

His gun in an enemy's hands, the vidette fled, but he need 
not have done so, for only a snap of the cap rewarded the ef- 
forts of Work to shoot him. Work pursued, but had gone 
hardly five steps when he ran against the muzzle of a gun in 
the hands of another Federal. Dropping the gun he held, 
Work knocked the weapon of his new assailant to one side, and 
its shot went wild. Then remembering he wore a pistol, Work 
reached for it, but before he could draw it, the Federal clubbed 
his gun and struck the colonel over the head with it. The 


blow did not fell the plucky Confederate, but it sent him reel- 
ing backwards, and one of his spurs caught in the undergrowth 
and tripped him up. The Federal rushed on him to adminis- 
ter the coup-de-grace, but just then Captain W. H. Gaston 
of the First Texas heard the racket, and surmising that his 
doughty colonel was in pressing need of reinforcements, came 
up in a run. Not caring to fight two Confederates with an 
unloaded gun, the Federal took to his legs. 

It was Bill Calhoun that was captured. Davidge, whose 
untimely absence the night before had been so eloquently 
lamented and denounced by him, having that morning put 
in an appearance, Bill went forward with his comrades of the 
skirmish line in high good humor with himself and everybody 
else. Unluckily, however, his desire to get in close range of 
a Yankee, in order, as he said, " to show the blue-bellied cuss 
what a feller from ole Brushy can do in the way of quick 
shootin'," led him too far to the front. As with cocked gun 
held in his hands across his breast, he passed a little clump of 
cedars, one of the " cusses " he was in search of stepped out, 
and leveling a gun at him, cried, " Surrender, you d — d rebel ! 
Surrender, or I'll blow your brains out." 

Noting at a glance that the Federal " had the drop on 
him," and that in the shadow of the cedars stood other sol- 
diers in blue, Bill released the clutch of his fingers on his gun, 
and letting it drop with a clang to the rocky ground, ex- 
claimed, "Surrender? Why, of course I surrender — who in 
h — IPs talkin' 'bout not surrenderin '? " Such an odd way of 
submitting to capture so amused the Federal that he forgot 
to lower his gun, but held it aimed in the general direction 
of his captive — its barrel moving up, down and sidewise in 
time to the laughter that shook his form. " See here, Mis- 
ter," called Bill, " please quit pintin' yer gun at me — hit mout 
go off unbeknownst to yer, an' eff hit do, hit's jest as apt ter 
hit a feller as ter miss him." 

With the morning of the 30th, came another unclouded sky. 
At sunrise, General Pope wired to Washington that he had 
won a great victory, that the Confederates were in full retreat 
and that he was making preparations for a vigorous pursuit. 
An hour later, he discovered that Lee's army was yet in his 
front, ready to test conclusions with his own. It was 1 p. m., 


however, before the Federal commander renewed the contest by 
an attack along the whole length of Jackson's line — his most 
desperate and determined assault being on the Louisiana and 
Virginia Confederates occupying the railroad cut. It was a 
gallant affair on both sides, the courage and steadfastness of 
the assailed being fairly matched by the daring and deter- 
mined bravery of the assailants. 

Line after line of the Federals moved forward, their battle- 
flags waving, their alignments as straight as though they were 
on the parade ground, and their men stepping boldly, briskly 
and confidently. When within a hundred and fifty yards of 
the red-clay embankment behind which crouched the Confed- 
erates, a loud resounding huzza would burst from the throats 
of the men, and they would spring forward in a seemingly 
reckless charge. But in a minute's time the scene would 
change. As they came within fifty yards of their waiting op- 
ponents, the flash, the smoke and the roar of three thousand 
well-aimed rifles would burst from the embankment, a wild, 
blood-curdling Confederate yell rise high above the din of bat- 
tle, and when the smoke lifted, the survivors of a fire as ter- 
rible and destructive as was ever hurled at a foe could be 
seen fleeing back to the Union lines, up and across a hill-side 
darkened by the forms of their dead, dying and wounded. It 
was both a saddening and a magnificent spectacle. While 
the sympathies and hopes of the Texans on the skirmish line 
a mile away to the right, went with the troops that so pluckily 
held the railroad cut, they made no attempt to conceal their 
admiration of the splendid daring, the American courage of 
the assailants. 

Although they repulsed the enemy at every point on their 
line, Jackson's men were not made of iron. The strain on 
them was terrible, the pressure unceasing, and at 4.30 p. m. 
General Jackson called for assistance. The artillery of Long- 
street and Colonel Stephen D. Lee was first to give it — its en- 
filading fire on the left flank of the still advancing Federals 
sweeping them down in long rows. At the moment it ap- 
peared most effective and demoralizing, Longstreet ordered 
his command forward, and it went with a will and a vim that 
carried consternation to the Federals and soon put them to 


Springing into line when the order reached them, each man 
eager for the fray, the Texas Brigade moved rapidly across 
the wheat-field into the woods beyond — the Eighteenth 
Georgia in the center; on its right Hampton's Legion and 
beyond that the Fifth Texas, and on its left, the Fourth 
Texas, and beyond that the First Texas. Some little skir- 
mishing took place in the woods, but it was only when the 
open ground beyond the timber was gained that the main 
forces of the enemy were encountered. The alignment of the 
five regiments, as a brigade, was lost when they entered the 
timber, and as each seemed bent on making a record that 
should be distinctively and peculiarly its own, there was so 
little concert of action between them that any attempt to de- 
scribe their movements as a brigade would be confusing both 
to writer and reader. Instead, each regiment will be given 
space to tell its own story through the medium of the official 
report of its immediate commander, and the pen of one or 
more of its members. But only such parts of the reports 
will be given as relate to the battle of August 30. 

To economize space, official and non-official reports and ac- 
counts will appear in the order in which the regiments stood, 
looking from the left to the right. That will give the report 
of Lieutenant-Colonel P. A. Work, of the First Texas, first 
place. The official reports of the battle of Second Manassas 
are to be found in Part II, Volume XII, of War of the 
Rebellion Records. Colonel Work says : 

The regiment, having been withdrawn from the ground occupied 
by it on the battleground of the evening previous, was placed in 
position about daylight of the morning of August 30, with its left 
resting upon the turnpike road at the point occupied by it the day 
previous. During the day I received instructions through Capt. 
W. H. Sellers, assistant adjutant-general, to keep the regiment at 
attention, and advance to attack the enemy whenever ordered. By 
Captain Sellers I was informed that General Kemper's Brigade 
would be advanced simultaneously with the Texas Brigade, mov- 
ing diagonally across the front of the latter; that mine would 
be the directing regiment, and would move slowly, with its left 
flank resting upon the turnpike road, the other regiments of the 
brigade inclining and gradually wheeling to the left, so that at 
the proper point the Texas and Kemper's Brigades would present 
an even, unbroken front. 

John Coleman Roberts 
Company C, Fourth Texas Regiment 



About 4 or 4.30 p. m. I was ordered to advance, when I at 
once put the regiment in motion. After having advanced about 
125 yards, I was informed by the acting adjutant of the regiment, 
W. Shropshire, that the Fourth Texas Regiment had not moved, 
when, supposing my movement premature, I halted and dispatched 
a messenger to ascertain the truth. Before the return of the 
messenger, Lieut. James Hamilton, aide-de-camp, galloped up and 
informed me that the Fourth Texas was some 150 yards in ad- 
vance of me. I at once moved at the double-quick and soon came 
upon a line with the Fourth (just after moving out of the timber 
into the large open field where the engagement took place). As 
the regiment advanced, a battery of the enemy fired into us re- 
peatedly, but before either this or any other regiment of the 
brigade could charge upon it, it limbered up and moved off at a 
rapid gait up the turnpike road, until it reached an orchard upon 
an elevated, commanding position, where it halted and again 
opened fire upon us. This regiment continued to advance up the 
turnpike road, with its left resting thereon, until halted in a hol- 
low, by an order delivered by a courier (Barbee, I believe). From 
this hollow I received an order (through Barbee) to move for- 
ward to the second hollow beyond the one I was then in, where 
I would halt and receive orders, which order I executed, moving 
forward to the hollow designated and halting, exposed to the fire 
of the above-mentioned battery while crossing the two intervening 
ridges. I failed to receive any orders at this place, and it was at 
this last-mentioned hollow that I discovered that I was alone. I 
had been watching so intently the battery in my front and the 
movements of the troops in its immediate vicinity, that I did not 
know when the other regiments of the brigade left me. Discov- 
ering that I was alone, I called to Templeman (acting as courier) 
and asked as to the whereabouts of the other regiments. He could 
not then inform me, but said that he would ascertain and let me 
know, and galloping off, soon returned, stating the Fourth Texas 
had crossed the creek opposite my right flank, had moved up and 
taken a battery upon a ridge which he pointed out, and had moved 
on over the ridge after the infantry support. I at once moved 
by the right flank across the creek and upon the ridge desig- 
nated. Having moved the right of the regiment to the top of 
the ridge, and placed the regiment under cover from an enfilad- 
ing fire from two batteries, to wit, the one above mentioned at 
the orchard, and the second on a ridge running parallel to the 
one upon the top of which my right was then resting, I advanced, 
myself, to a point from which I hoped to discover the locality of 
the Fourth Texas. I heard a heavy firing of musketry or rifles 


down in the hollow in front of where I was standing, but, owing 
to a swell or second ridge upon the descending slope to the hol- 
low, not a man could I discover. 

About this time Barbee galloped up and informed me that all 
of the brigade were down in the hollow, were hard pressed, and 
needed assistance. Selecting a place where I could pass the ridge 
with as little loss as possible, I fronted the regiment and moved 
forward some 35 yards to a depression crossing the ridge. Once 
in this depression, I believed I could cross the ridge protected 
wholly from the fire of the orchard battery, and partially from 
the battery upon the parallel ridge. Just as the regiment had 
reached the depression alluded to, and just as I was in the act 
of giving the order to move by the right flank, Captain Sellers 
brought me an order to take my regiment under cover, and was 
so earnest that he gave the order to right-about before I could 
give it myself. As the regiment moved back over this 35 yards, 
a heavy fire of grape and canister was opened on us from the 
two batteries above mentioned, and it was here that several were 
wounded. Having brought the regiment under cover, I was di- 
rected by Captain Sellers to move down into the hollow, where 
flowed the creek spoken of above, and there rest. About the time 
I reached the last-mentioned hollow quite a number from the sev- 
eral regiments of the brigade joined me, and, falling into the 
ranks, remained until their respective regiments successively 
reached the hollow and formed upon this. 

We lost 3 killed and 7 wounded. It is proper to state, that 
of the killed, one, R. B. Stephens, of Company E, was killed by 

a rifle ball while skirmishing, and a second, Walker, of 

Company E, was killed while with the scouts, under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Upton, of the Fifth Texas. 

It is a matter of regret that I received no notice and did not 
discover the movements of the other regiments of the brigade in 
time to have changed my front and contributed the best efforts 
of the regiment in aiding in taking the battery captured, and in 
the attack upon the troops routed by them. 


Second Manassas (Continued) 

The Fourth Texas held place in the line of battle, on the 
right of the First Texas, and between that regiment and 
Hampton's Legion. Relating the movements of the Fourth 
on the 30th, one of its survivors writes: 

" In front of the Fourth as it emerged from the timber, 
stood two lines of the enemy's infantry in battle array — 
the first, a hundred yards or so from the timber — the second, 
beyond Young's branch. Beyond the second was posted on 
commanding ground a battery of four guns, which, from 
the time we came in view of it, poured shot and shell into our 
ranks with an accuracy of aim that caused much loss. The 
first line seemed panic-stricken by the mere sight of us, for 
holding its ground only long enough to fire one volley, and 
that aimed too high to do much execution, it about-faced in 
one movement and the quickest time on record, and receiving 
our fire in its rear, fled at a speed that soon took it out of sight 
and range. Then, neither consulting Colonel Carter, nor giv- 
ing him time to utter a command, the men of the Fourth, 
moved by a common impulse, began a charge upon the battery. 
" The Federal infantry in our front, beyond the branch, fired 
two or three volleys at us as we plunged down the slope, and 
into and across the little stream, but it no sooner saw us mov- 
ing up the hill toward it, than it, too, took to precipitate 
flight. The battery, though, held its ground, and as we 
neared it, began to hurl at us grape and canister that tore 
great gaps in our ranks. Behind it lay, in a thicket of cedars, 
a regiment whose special duty it was to support it, but when 
that saw the two lines in front break into flight, it also broke 
and fled, leaving the battery entirely without support. Then, 
feeling themselves deserted, the men belonging to the battery 
abandoned it and made for the rear, leaving only their cap- 
tain to stand by it. And that he did, with a courage and hero- 



ism that, although wasted on the impossible, deservedly won 
the admiration and even the sympathy of the foes he was 
doing his best to destroy. Even when we had come within 
forty yards of the guns, he stood at the only loaded one, and 
was in the act of discharging it when he was shot down. That 
gun was loaded with grape and canister, and, huddled to- 
gether as the regiment then was, each man of us seeking to 
be the first to lay hands on a cannon, had he discharged it, 
fully one-half of the Fourth Texas would have been wounded 
and killed. 

" The battery captured, the Fourth Texas formed in line 
facing in the direction of the enemy — forming, according to 
my recollection, in a low swale not over fifty yards beyond 
the battery and at no time advancing beyond the swale. Not 
another Confederate command was in sight, either to right 
or left, and naturally, our men felt lonely, the colonel, anxious. 
To move forward, might be to invite disaster — to fall back, 
was to abandon the trophies we had won at a terrible sacrifice 
• — to stay there and, Micawber-like, wait ' for something to 
turn up,' was not military conduct. The enemy solved the 
problem. While Colonel Carter and other officers consulted 
as' to what should be done, it was discovered that a large force 
of Federals, hidden from view in the valley of Young's branch 
— which, making a bend to the right below where we had 
crossed it, was now on our left — was moving on our rear. 

" One glance over the brow of the hill convinced Colonel Car- 
ter that at such a crisis, ' discretion was the better part of 
valor,' and he moved the regiment, by the right flank, back to 
Young's branch, at the point where we had crossed it, and 
thence up it a couple of hundred yards, where it halted and 
remained until after sunset. We were not there more than 
five minutes, when a magnificently arrayed Confederate bri- 
gade — it was Kemper's, I think — came marching up to and 
over us, on its way to take part in the battle. ' What are 
you fellows skulking here for? ' asked one of its men. 6 We 
are not skulking,' replied a red-haired Texan: 'we are just 
holding this branch for you folks to hide in when the Yankees 
up yonder on the hill whip you back.' ' They'll never do 
that,' boasted the man of Kemper's Brigade. But he 
boasted too soon, for in less than twenty minutes, he and 


many hundreds of his brigade came running back to the 
branch for shelter from the bullets that pursued them. * I 
told you you'd come back a-runnin', said the red-headed Texan, 
but there was no rejoinder. 

" Of what the other regiments of the Texas Brigade did, I 
have little personal knowledge. We had evidence of what the 
Fifth Texas had done in the ghastly, horrifying spectacle 
that met our eyes as, while lying in the branch, we looked at 
the hill-side then in our rear, nearly an acre of which that 
regiment had covered with killed and wounded Zouaves, the 
variegated colors of whose gaudy uniforms gave the scene, 
when looked at from a distance, the appearance of a Texas 
hill-side when carpeted in the spring by wild flowers of many 
hues and tints. 

" Certainly the career of the Fifth New York Zouaves was 
neither a long nor a brilliant one. While camped in 1861-52. 
across the Potomac River, from the Fifth Texas, it is said 
they threatened that if they ever met the Fifth Texas in 
battle, they would ' wipe it off the face of the earth ' — the 
Fifth Texas in retort, declaring that if it ever met the Zouaves* 
it would cover the ground ' with their ring-streaked and 
striped bodies.' At Gaines' Mill, the Fifth New York 
Zouaves encountered the Fourth Texas, and driven in con- 
fusion from the first line of works there, defeated, could only 
boast of the speed that enabled them to outstrip their com- 
rades of other regiments in a wild, go-as-you-please race to 
the protecting shelter of the Chickahominy swamplands ; at 
Second Manassas, they met the Fifth Texas, and instead of 
wiping that command ' off the face of the earth,' as they had 
boasted they would, were themselves, as a command, practi- 
cally annihilated. Certainly, the laurels they won on fields 
of battle were not many, for the survivors of Second Manassas 
proved too few to maintain a separate organization, and for 
the remainder of the war, served only on details, as guards 
and nurses at prisons and hospitals. Blotted from history 
by the Fifth Texas, the regiment has remained ' unhonored 
and unsung,' save in so far as that has been done in song 
and story laudatory of the Fifth Texas, or descriptive of 
' Carnage Hill,' as by Union veterans, the hill-side on which 
so many of its men were killed, has been called. 


" In all the annals of warfare, ancient and modern, no greater 
mortality was ever inflicted in the same space of time by as 
tew men as were engaged in the affair. Actual and careful 
account made after the battle was over for the day, dis- 
closed that 443 of the Zouaves were killed, and that of these, 
294 fell dead in the tracks where they stood when the Texans 
of the Fifth fired their first volley. Only ten prisoners were 
taken, and of these but four were wounded. One of the 
wounded, an officer, said, while being taken to the rear, that 
not over fifty of the regiment escaped death, wounds, or cap- 
ture. Against that estimate should be placed the fact, 
vouched for by many members of the Fifth Texas, that at 
least twice that number were seen to reach the shelter of tim- 
ber beyond Young's branch. 

" Captain Mark Kerns, the commander of the battery cap- 
tured by the Fourth Texas, deserves more than a passing 
notice. A Virginian by birth, no braver soldier than he served 
in either army. His experience with the Texans was some- 
what similar to that of the Zouaves. His battery was one 
of those that were massed on the high hill south of Powhite 
Creek, at the battle of Gaines' Mill. There he was lucky 
enough, when the capture of the position seemed inevitable, to 
escape with four of his guns. With these same four guns he 
fought the Fourth Texas again at Second Manassas. That 
night, members of the Fourth Texas returned to the battery, 
and finding its gallant commander still alive, offered to carry 
him to a hospital for surgical attention. But he declined 
such aid, saying that he knew he was mortally wounded and 
must soon die, and that all he asked was to be let die by his 
guns, as he had sworn to do when given command of them. 
His wish was respected, and the watch, the keep-sakes and the 
letter he wrote were a few days later sent through the lines 
to the parties he named." 

Another member of the Fourth Texas, General William R. 
Hamby, writes as follows : 

" Resuming our march early in the morning of August 29th, 
we could hear cannonading in our front, causing our column 
to press forward in a forced march, as we knew Stonewall 
Jackson was already engaged. We struck the enemy near 

Lieutenant Ben M. Baker 
Company B, Fifth Texas Regiment 



the village at Groveton about the middle of the forenoon, and 
at once formed line of battle, the Texas Brigade on the right 
of the turnpike leading from Warrenton across Bull Run to 
Centerville, and Law's Brigade of our division on the left of 
the pike and connecting with the right of Jackson's line. The 
balance of Longstreet's Corps forming to the right of the 
Texas Brigade, thus placing us about the center of the Confed- 
erate line of battle. Our line was formed in the edge of a nar- 
row strip of timber; in our rear was a small glade or abandoned 
field ; our skirmish line was at the further side of the timber 
in front of us ; in front of our skirmish line was an open field 
some three hundred yards wide; then came another body of 
timber in which the enemy had formed their lines. Their sharp 
shooters and their artillery kept up a regular fire, but did 
little execution. 

" Late in the afternoon we were ordered forward, but had 
scarcely cleared the outer edge of the woods where our skir- 
mish line had been on duty before we met the enemy advancing 
to meet us. Raising a shout we charged them at double quick 
and drove them from the open field back through the woods ; 
while passing through this timber a cavalry charge was made 
along the pike to our left, but was soon repulsed ; we then 
crossed another field, passing over a small creek and advanced 
up a hill into another body of timber. Night had overtaken 
us sometime before we entered this last woods, which was 
probably three-fourths of a mile from where we started. The 
conflict here was close and obstinate and continued until it 
was so dark we could not distinguish friend from foe. The 
Federal and Confederate lines were badly mixed, resulting in 
many cases of hand-to-hand conflict. It was here that Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Work, then in command of the First Texas, 
was struck on the head with a gun by a Federal soldier. The 
dense woods only added to the darkness and the embarrass- 
ment of a battle at night, which is the most undesirable service 
in which a soldier can engage. While our losses had been com- 
paratively small that day, yet many of those brave Texans 
were destined to join the innumerable caravan on the shores 
of the great beyond before the setting of another sun. We 
were far advanced inside the Federal lines and practically 
surrounded on three sides. We remained in this position until 


after midnight, when we quietly withdrew and returned to the 
same position we held before the fight commenced, bringing 
with us a few prisoners and several flags as the result of 
the engagement. The prisoners were New York troops and 
said they belonged to Hatch's Brigade. 

" In consequence of our withdrawal General Pope, the Fed- 
eral commander, fell under the erroneous impression that Gen- 
eral Lee's whole army was in retreat and telegraphed that fact 
to Washington and issued orders that his troops be thrown 
' forward in pursuit of the fleeing rebels,' but he soon became 
convinced that the rebels were not retreating, but were still 
in strong force along his entire front, and before the close of 
the day he realized that the ' fleeing rebels,' as he termed Gen- 
eral Lee's army, not only had no intention of retreating, but 
were actually advancing, and then it was the matter of but a 
few hours when the pursuers became the pursued. 

" During the forenoon of August 30, sharp firing was kept 
up between the skirmish lines of the opposing armies. In ad- 
dition to the whistling of the minie balls that would oc- 
casionally hit a man in our lines, the Federal Artillery on a 
hill about half a mile in front of us were shelling the woods 
in which we were located and while not doing much damage, 
were very annoying. As the shells came shrieking through 
the tree tops over our heads, they seemed to say, ' Where are 
you? Where are you? ' and when they burst there is no 
question but what they plainly said, ' Found you.' 

" About three o'clock we witnessed an artillery duel between 
the Confederate batteries on our left and the Federal artillery 
in our front. Our guns were under the direction of General 
Stephen D. Lee, who at that time was a colonel of artillery. 
The enemy's batteries were silenced and our batteries advanced 
at a gallop about 200 yards in front of our lines and again 
opened fire, with shot and shell and doing great execution. It 
was one of the most brilliant artillery actions it was ever my 
fortune to witness. The fire of our guns was so rapid and so 
accurate that the Federal infantry, then seriously threatening 
Jackson's line to our left, were broken and their artillery 
forced to change position and seek shelter. 

" It was about four o'clock, or possibly some later, in the 


afternoon of August 30th, when we were again ordered for- 
ward. We advanced through the timber in front of us and 
were met by the enemy in the open field near where we had 
met them the previous day. Again raising a yell and charg- 
ing at double quick we drove them from the field through the 
timber to another field and across a creek where we made a 
short halt, re-formed our lines and prepared for another 
charge. The battery on the crest of the hill in our front and 
their infantry supports were subjecting us to a heavy fire. 
While we were re-forming our lines, Albert Nicholls of Com- 
pany B, Fourth Texas, broke ranks and ran some thirty or 
forty steps up the hill towards the enemy to pick up a hat 
which he said had been left there for him by a gentleman from 
New York. We started at a run, firing and reloading as we 
advanced, and but for the fact that the enemy over-shot us, 
we would never have reached the top of the hill, and yet with 
that in our favor we lost heavily in making that charge of 
about 200 yards. The Fifth Texas was to our right and 
came in contact with the Fifth New York Zouaves, as gallant 
a regiment of soldiers as ever fired a gun. The New York 
Regiment covered the Fifth Texas, while in front of the Fourth 
Texas was a battery of artillery. The Zouaves were dressed 
in blue jackets, red trousers and white leggins, and presented 
a picturesque appearance, but out of 490 who went into ac- 
tion that day, 297 of them fell where they stood, and I verily 
believe if any one had been disposed, he could have walked 
from one end of their line to the other without touching the 
ground. The officers and men of the battery shared a similar 
fate, standing to their guns until we were upon them, the most 
of them being either killed or wounded before they permitted 
their four guns to fall into our hands, but the troops support- 
ing the battery fled in disorder. When the Fifth Texas fired 
their last volley into the ranks of the Zouaves, their right 
could almost cross bayonets with the left of the New Yorkers. 
The valor of the Zouaves was only exceeded by the gallant 
charge of the Texans. 

" It was a singular coincidence that the Zouaves and the 
battery which suffered so heavily at the hands of the Texans 
at Second Manassas should have also fought us at Gaines' 
Mill the 27th of June previous, when the Zouaves lost about 


one-third of their number while the battery lost two of their 
guns, besides many of their men killed and wounded. The 
battery was composed of Pennsylvania soldiers and was com- 
manded by Captain Mark Kerns, who although wounded early 
in the day at Gaines' Mill, stayed with his guns until the Fed- 
eral line was swept from the field, and at Second Manassas, al- 
though nearly all his men had fallen, he loaded and fired his 
guns until he himself was struck down when we were only a 
few steps from him. When we reached the gun beside which 
he fell, with his life blood fast ebbing away, he said : ' I prom- 
ised to drive you back, or die under my guns, and I have kept 
my word.' After crossing the hill on which Kerns' battery 
was located we deflected somewhat to the left, while the Fifth 
Texas, Hampton's Legion, and Eighteenth Georgia had gone 
to the right, thus widely separating us from these regiments 
of our brigade. We pushed on after the retreating Federals 
down the hill across a small hollow and came in contact with 
the Pennsylvania Reserves, who were in a pine thicket in front 
of us. We here discovered the enemy in heavy force on the 
hill to our left and almost in our rear. We were being en- 
filaded by both infantry and artillery, which forced us to 
change direction and fall back, as we were then about half a 
mile in front of the balance of the Confederate line on this part 
of the field. The friendly sides of a ravine protected us some- 
what until we could re-form our line and take a survey of the 
situation. We then crossed the hill in our rear, keeping up 
a rapid fire and holding the enemy at a safe distance when 
the Fourth Texas was joined by the First Texas, who had 
been engaged on our left and nearer the turnpike. The Fed- 
erals came up within about 200 yards of our line ; the inter- 
vening space between the two lines was covered with the dead 
and wounded, both Union and Confederate. It was on this 
part of the field where Sergeant Bible, of Company E, and 
Charley McAnnally and Niles Fawcett, of Company B, and 
others were killed, besides many wounded, myself among the 

" A comrade who was wounded and unable to leave the field 
gives a graphic description of his surroundings. He said he 
laid on that field as the sun was slowly sinking behind the hills, 


and as the shadows of night came on, the feelings that came 
over him were beyond his powers of expression ; midway be- 
tween two lines of battle with shot and shell from friend and 
foe falling thick, and every few moments some poor unfortu- 
nate would cry out in anguish, ' Oh, God, I am hit again.' His 
mother from his infancy had taught him to pray, but on this 
day the thought of prayer never entered is mind, and yet, he 
says, he could embrace every act of his life in a single thought. 

" Evans' Brigade soon came up to our support, followed 
soon thereafter by a general advance of the entire Confederate 
line which swept the Union forces from the field. The battle 
continued until darkness put an end to the conflict, the Con- 
federate lines being about two miles in front of where we had 
started, but if an hour more of daylight had remained, Pope's 
army would have been captured or destroyed, as many organi- 
zations left the field in a rout, and to use the language of a 
distinguished Federal officer, ' The road was filled with fleeing 
men, artillery and wagons, all leaving the field in a panic, the 
shadows of night enabling them to escape in safety across Bull 

" A short time before the battle commenced, James Thomas, 
of Company B, Fourth Texas, remarked to some of his com- 
rades that if he went into the battle that day he knew he would 
be killed. Captain McLaurin, then in command of the com- 
pany, heard the remark and told him if he felt that way for 
him not to go into action, and that he would send him to 
the rear on a special detail, but Thomas promptly declined 
and said he would rather be killed than to be left in camp 
on any kind of a detail when his regiment was at the front 
fighting. In less than an hour from that time he was killed 
in our charge up the hill in front of Kerns' battery. 

" In striking contrast to the foregoing, there was another 
soldier, who had the habit of skulking and who had done so in 
the engagement the previous day. As soon as we were or- 
dered to advance his captain said to him, calling him by 
name, ' I noticed your conduct in the fight yesterday, and if 
you attempt to skulk to-day I will have you court-martialed 
and shot,' to which the man replied, ' Captain, there is no use 
talking, I just can't stand it; do with me what you please.' 


He was detailed to the litter corps and made one of the most 
useful soldiers in the army and achieved a reputation for 
bravery on the field that made him honored and respected by 
all who knew him. 

" I remained at the field hospital some ten or twelve days 
until all the wounded who were able to be moved were trans- 
ferred to the hospital at Warrenton, when I took an ambu- 
lance and followed the army into Maryland, reaching the bri- 
gade at Hagerstown September 13, while the B. & O. bridge 
was being destroyed. The route I traveled from the field hos- 
pital led by the deep cut in the bed of the railroad in front of 
Jackson's line, where I saw hundreds of dead bodies still 
unburied, who were piled up like railroad crossties, and were 
being buried by having the earth from the embankment above 
thrown upon them. The stench was sickening and the sight 

" The genius and generalship of General Lee never shone 
with greater splendor than in the second battle of Manassas, 
which will go down in history as one of the great battles 
of modern warfare. The Confederate position was strong and 
well selected against which the Federals frittered away much 
of their strength in their repeated and unsuccessful assaults 
upon Jackson's line, and when final orders were given to ad- 
vance, there was scarcely a halt in the entire Confederate lines 
until the battle ended. General Lee with 50,000 men was 
opposed by General Pope, the Federal commander, with an 
army of 70,000. The Confederate losses were 7244, while the 
Federal losses were 14,462 men, in addition to thirty pieces of 
artillery, 20,000 stand of small arms, numerous flags and a 
large amount of army stores. No troops in General Lee's 
army bore a more conspicuous part in this great battle or 
contributed in a greater degree to achieve the victory than 
Hood's Texas Brigade, but the honors they won were bought 
at the price of 627 killed and wounded, of which the Fifth 
Texas alone lost 239." 

In his official report, Lieutenant-Colonel B. F. Carter says: 

" After our return to the position of the previous day, early 

on the morning of the 30th, we rested on our arms in line of 

battle during the day. Soon after four o'clock in the after- 


noon we were ordered to advance in the same line of battle as 
the day previous, the First Texas, on our left, being the 
directing battalion. Company A (Captain S. H. Darden) 
was deployed as skirmishers in our front early in the morning; 
was engaged with the enemy during the day. Passing 
through the skirt of wood we rested in, we advanced through 
the first field, thence through the second skirt of timber to the 
next field. While yet in the wood a heavy firing of musketry 
commenced on the right of our brigade, but no enemy ap- 
peared in front of my regiment. As we emerged from the 
wood I discovered a battery stationed on the hill beyond the 
small creek, supported by infantry in strong force, who 
opened fire on us. The distance to the creek at the bottom of 
the hill was about 300 yards. We advanced in double-quick 
down the hill to the creek, where we halted in accordance with 
your orders, and were pretty well protected by the banks and 
some trees growing there. Here the regiment, somewhat 
broken in our rapid advance, was quickly re-formed. We had 
halted scarcely a minute when I discovered the right of the 
brigade advancing up the hill, and immediately ordered the 
regiment to charge the battery. Two or three guns on the 
right of the battery were directly in front of my regiment, at 
about 100 yards distance from the creek, on a small eminence 
sloping gradually to the bottom, the ground being bare and 
smooth. We were greeted with a terrific fire of grape, canis- 
ter, and musketry, and my principal loss was sustained here. 
The regiment responded gallantly to the order to charge, and 
carried the hill and battery on the run, utterly routing the 
supports, and killing the gunners, who stood to their guns 
until we approached to within twenty paces. I hurried the 
regiment rapidly forward to the next valley beyond the hill, 
where a dry, shallow ravine afforded some protection from the 
fire of the enemy, who had taken refuge on the next hill, cov- 
ered with a growth of short pine, and were keeping up a sharp 
fire of musketry on us. The Eighteenth Georgia formed in 
the same ravine on our right, but the First Texas had disap- 
peared from my left, and I did not see it any more until our 
return to the creek. While advancing through the first field, 
before meeting the enemy, I had received a caution to look well 
to my left ; that we had no supports there, the Third Brigade 


being held as a support for the batteries, and not advancing. 
In crossing the different hills, and especially from the battery 
hill, I discovered large masses of the enemy on our left moving 
down at right angles to the course we were going. We re- 
mained in the shallow ravine spoken of several minutes, driv- 
ing the enemy from the short pines in front by our fire, when 
I discovered the Eighteenth Georgia was moving by the right 
flank away from me along the ravine, and about the same time 
the enemy commenced firing on me from a wooded ridge to my 
left and in rear of my left flank. I sent Adjutant Price to 
Colonel Wofford, of the Eighteenth Georgia, to ascertain 
where he was going; to tell him the enemy were moving in 
large force around our left flank, and ask him for support. 
The reply received was he could not come, but was going to the 
right. I found myself exposed with my weakened force to an 
increasing fire from the enemy in front, on my left, and in rear 
of my left, with no support on either flank, and not a Con- 
federate soldier but my own regiment in sight. To meet the 
movement of the enemy around my left, I changed front per- 
pendicularly to the left across the ravine we occupied, and 
finding myself uncovered by this movement, I fell back about 
fifty yards to the dry bed of a shallow cross-ravine, where 
for some time we maintained a steady fire on the enemy. Here 
several of my men fell from the severe crossfire of the enemy, 
and some of the wounded, I fear, were taken prisoners here. 
The ravine we were in extended to the left, up the hill on which 
the battery was situated that we had taken. In the prolonga- 
tion of it on the opposite side of the hill, was a thin hedge of 
small growth, affording a partial protection. Seeing no pros- 
pect of supports, and believing my whole command would be 
sacrificed in the present position against the immense number 
of the enemy, I ordered the regiment to march by the left 
flank, keeping it as well as possible under cover of the ravine 
and hedge spoken of. The movement was executed with re- 
markably good order, the enemy being kept at a respectful 
distance by our rapid fire. Reaching the small creek, the 
regiment was formed under cover of its banks, and soon after- 
ward, by your orders, I moved up the creek by the right flank 
and connected with the First Texas, now on my right. Throw- 
ing out skirmishers to the front on the hill-side, covering the 


captured guns with their fire, we rested here until dark. We 
were not again engaged. 

" About half an hour after forming in the creek, while rest- 
ing, General Evans rode up from the woods in our rear and 
was cheered by our men, to whom he addressed a few words in 

" I cannot speak too highly of the officers and men of my 
command. The coolness, good order, and prompt obedience 
to orders displayed under the most trying circumstances, and 
the daring courage in the charge, were worthy of the reputa- 
tion the Fourth had already established. The skulkers, if 
any, were so few as to escape observation. 

" Our loss was severe, including some of the best officers. 
Major Townsend fell, badly wounded in the leg, while gal- 
lantly leading the right of the regiment in its charge on the 
battery. Previous to and during the action, he had rendered 
invaluable services to me, and his loss was greatly felt by his 

"Captain (D. U.) Barziza, Company C; Captain (James 
T.) Hunter, Company H; Lieutenant (M. C.) Holmes, Com- 
pany H, and Lieutenant (A. D.) Jeffries, Company D, were 
all wounded in the same charge — the first and last slightly; 
the other two severely. 

" Lieutenant (C. E.) Jones, Company H, and Lieutenant 
(T. I.) Johnson, Company D, were killed on the field in the 
same charge, and died as brave men should, in the front of 
battle, and their loss is irreparable to their companies and 
the regiment. 

" Color-Sergeant Francis, of Company A, fell severely 
wounded while leading the colors in front of the regiment, and 
they were gallantly borne the remainder of the action by 
Color-Corporal Parker, of Company H." 

Lieutenant-Colonel M. W. Gary's official report of the move- 
ments of Hampton's Legion is next in order and is as follows : 

" The fight was opened about three o'clock by an attack 
of the enemy upon the left wing of our army. About four 
o'clock the brigade was ordered to advance, the Legion in line 
of battle, with the Fifth Texas Regiment on the right and the 
Eighteenth Georgia on the left. I ordered Captain H. J. 


Smith's company thrown forward as skirmishers. We had 
gone about a quarter of a mile when the skirmishers became 
hotly engaged with the Duryea Zouaves near where we had 
engaged the enemy the evening before. We received the volley 
and charged upon them and delivered our fire at short range, 
killing, wounding, and capturing a large number. They were 
completely routed, and as they retreated over the ravine and 
up the hill a large number were killed and wounded by the 
well-practised aim of the men of the entire brigade. The whole 
brigade moved forward in hot pursuit under a heavy fire of 
grape and canister, driving the enemy back to their reserves, 
capturing a large number of prisoners and a battery. Seeing 
that in our eager pursuit we were about to be flanked by the 
enemy on the right and left, I commanded the Legion to halt 
as it was ascending the hill from the deep ravine. We were 
then ordered to move by the right flank. We gained the 
woods under a heavy fire, and immediately advanced upon the 
enemy. Perceiving that they were now outflanked, they fled 
in confusion after the first volley, the Eighteenth Georgia, 
Legion, and Fifth Texas still pursuing. We were then hotly 
engaged around the Chinn house, where the brigade captured 
several pieces of artillery. At this place, the brigade of Gen- 
eral Evans came up in gallant style and relieved us. 

" During the fight, Lieutenant B. E. Nicholson captured a 
stand of colors. Private Henry Brandies, Company C, also 
captured a beautiful flag. 

" The colors of the Legion were the first that were planted 
upon a battery of four guns, which was successfully turned 
upon the enemy by Lieutenant J. H. M. James and Private 
John Pios, of Company C, assisted by several members of 
Company H, who were practised artillerists. 

" I cannot mention in too flattering terms the splendid cour- 
age evinced by the officers and men of the Legion. Major J. 
H. Dingle had his horse shot under him and again won new 
laurels by his untiring gallantry, being always in the thickest 
of the fight. Captain L. C. McCord was shot down at the 
head of his company, wounded in three places. His first lieu- 
tenant, J. D. Palmer, fell at his side dangerously wounded, 
and his second lieutenant, T. A. G. Clarke, shared the same 


fate. Lieutenant R. A. Tompkins, acting-adjutant, was 
wounded while rallying the men. Lieutenant John W. Austin, 
of Company F, was wounded while leading his company. 
Lieutenant James McElroy, of Company A, who fought with 
conspicuous courage, was wounded. Sergeant J. H. Satter- 
field, the color-bearer, was wounded. Never was a flag borne 
with more dashing courage than he displayed, as the bullet- 
rent folds will attest. Captain T. M. Logan, by his brilliant 
fighting, won the admiration of every one. Captain R. W. 
Tompkins distinguished himself by his cool and practical cour- 
age. Lieutenant W. Edward O'Connor, in command of a 
scouting party, acted with his usual gallantry and rendered 
important information as to the movements of the enemy. 
Lieutenant W. A. B. Davenport, (J. J.) Exum, (J. J.) Cleve- 
land, and (J. H. M.) James, commanding their respective 
companies, proved themselves gallant guardians of the honor 
of their commands." 

Reporting the movements of the Eighteenth Georgia, its 
colonel, William T. Wofford, says : 

" On the morning of the 30th ultimo I was directed by Cap- 
tain W. H. Sellers, your adjutant-general, to hold my regi- 
ment in line of battle to move against the enemy at three 
o'clock that evening; that our brigade would move after Gen- 
eral Kemper's brigade had entered the woods in our front. 
The enemy having commenced the attack, I received orders to 
advance my regiment. On my right were Hampton's Legion 
and Fifth Texas and on my left the Fourth and First Texas. 
As we passed the field in front of our line the brigade moved 
in splendid order, and with a shout, advanced through the 
second strip of woods on the enemy's lines, which we carried 
so quickly that no halt was perceivable. The right wing of 
my regiment encountered the Fifth and Tenth New York 
Regiments supporting and in front of a battery of the enemy. 
We pursued these fleeing regiments to the ravine at the foot 
of the hill in front of the battery, killing and taking prisoners 
nearly every man, with the assistance and co-operation of 
Hampton's Legion and Fifth Texas. As we advanced on the 
battery up the hill from the branch, my regiment captured 


the colors of the Tenth New York Regiment. As our brigade 
charged the battery and carried it most gallantly, the left of 
my regiment passed over four guns, and my color-bearer 
mounted one of the pieces and waved the colors over the cap- 
tured trophy. Observing a second battery immediately in 
front and on a hill, I gave the order to move rapidly to the 
ravine between the two batteries, where I halted the regiment 
to take breath. At this moment, Colonels Gary, of Hamp- 
ton's Legion, and Robertson, of Fifth Texas, came to me 
and said that we were being flanked on our left by a large 
body of the enemy, which caused us to move by the right 
flank up the ravine to the woods. I halted my regiment as 
soon as my left was covered by the woods, and moved in line 
to the second battery through the woods and over a slight de- 
clivity, to within forty yards of the enemy's guns and their 
lines of support, composed of two regiments of infantry placed 
on the right and left of the battery. At this battery I had no 
support but a fragment of a regiment (supposed to be the 
Holcombe Legion), which fought with much spirit and gal- 
lantry. Sergeant Weems, my color-bearer, who bravely 
moved in front of the regiment, was shot down in forty yards 
of this battery ; also two others — Sergeants McMurray and 
Jones. Seeing my men falling rapidly, and having no support 
and no reinforcements arriving, I withdrew my regiment in 
the same order that we approached the battery, through the 
woods to the branch to the right of where we took the first 
battery, were I found the First and Fourth Texas Regiments, 
when I halted and formed on their right, and where we re- 
mained until you came to us. 

" My regiment lost in killed 19, and wounded 133. Among 
the former were Lieutenant (S. V.) Smith, commanding Com- 
pany K, and Lieutenant (E. L. Brown), of Company E. 

" I cannot find words to express the gallantry of my regi- 
ment, both officers and men. Nearly all the men lost were 
killed where we first encountered the two New York regiments 
of Zouaves, and at the second battery. It would be invidious 
to speak especially of any man or officer where all did their 
part so well, but the great gallantry of my color-bearer, Ser- 
geant Weems, who was shot down almost at the mouth of the 
guns of the second battery, entitles him to particular notice." 


Captain W. T. Hill, of the Fifth Texas, contributes the 
following account of the movements of that command: 

" Until 3 p. m. of the 30th, there was no disturbance of the 
peace except such as was produced by occasional discharges of 
small arms and artillery. At three o'clock the enemy ad- 
vanced in force against Jackson, and for an hour, one of the 
most terrible battles of the war raged. Jackson was pressed 
so persistently and heavily, that at 4 p, m. General Long- 
street was ordered by General Lee to join in the battle, and if 
possible, drive the enemy from the field. Longstreet gave the 
necessary commands to his subordinates, and, in line with the 
other brigades of the corps, the Texas Brigade moved for- 
ward — my company, then on the skirmish line in front of the 
Fifth Texas, being ordered to form on its right when over- 
taken by it. The brigade marched across an open field, and 
through a skirt of timber, and in the open ground beyond the 
timber, encountered the enemy, as, in line of battle he stood 
awaiting attack — the Fifth New York Zouaves standing 
directly in front of the Fifth Texas, but overlapped by the 
length of my company, when that fell in on the right of the 
Fifth Texas. 

" Thus it happened that when the Fifth Texas, its men 
yelling their loudest, came out of the timber into the open 
ground, it came, practically, face to face with the Zouaves, 
who, in their red, white and blue uniforms, stood in as perfect 
alignment as if on dress parade. The Zouaves were first to 
fire, but most of their shots went far astray from the mark: 
they killed only two of our men, but wounded several others. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Upton, sad to say, was one of the killed. 
Following almost on the instant, but with far better aim, was 
the volley of the Fifth Texas, and seemingly, one-half of the 
Zouaves fell, cut down in their tracks. Appalled by such a 
storm of lead as fell among them, and by the sight of so many 
fallen comrades, the surviving Zouaves, seized with panic, 
wheeled and took to flight. With a shout, the Fifth Texas 
followed, continuing the slaughter down to and until two 
hundred yards beyond Young's branch. There, remembering 
that his orders were to move no further forward than Young's 
branch, Colonel Robertson called a halt. 

" This halt, however, was not of long duration. Hardly 


had the last slow-coach of the regiment come up and found 
his place in line, when somebody — a private, it was thoughV, 
to have been, but nobody ever knew who — shouted at the top 
of his voice, ' Forward ! ' Then, as General Hood said, * the 
Fifth Texas slipped the bridle.' Hearing that 6 Forward,' 
every man of the regiment sprang to his feet, and with a yell, 
dashed forward at his topmost speed, reckless that at this 
time we were two or three hundred yards in advance of the 
foremost regiment of the brigade then in sight, and that, as 
had been the case when they fell upon the Zouaves, not a single 
Confederate command was in view on our right. 

" What effort, if any, was made by officers to stay this 
second charge of the Fifth Texas, I do not remember. But we 
had not gone far, when a line of Federals sprang up from the 
ground where they had been lying so flat we could not see 
them, and poured a volley into our ranks that was terribly 
destructive — many of our men falling dead or wounded. But 
undismayed, the Fifth returned the fire, and with effect even 
more deadly than was theirs. Broken and demoralized by it, 
they fled, and following them, went the Fifth Texas, yelling, 
loading and firing as they ran. The pursuit carried the regi- 
ment into open ground, and there it came in view and range 
of two batteries — one on its left, and the other on its right, 
at the Chinn house. 

" As out of breath in the chase of infantry whose fleeter- 
footedness had taken them out of sight, we came finally to a 
halt, and looking to the right and left, saw what we were 
' up against,' we felt ourselves lost and bewildered orphans. 
It was not comfortable, by a long shot, to be five hundred 
yards or more in advance of our army, under the enfilading 
cross-fires of two well-served batteries, and with enemies in- 
numerable presumably waiting, just over the hill, to capture 
or destroy us. To stay where we were, was suicidal — to go 
straightforward was to get further from support — and to 
retreat, not a man of us dared suggest to another. The officer 
in command of the regiment — our officers were killed or dis- 
abled, that day, too rapidly for one to know which one com- 
manded at this or that place — solved our doubts and fears; 
although around the Chinn house, Federal infantry was heavily 
massed, we were far beyond the range of their rifles, and 


might, in order to secure protection from the artillery, safely 
lessen the distance between us, and therefore, he orderd the 
regiment to double-quick, by the right flank, down the slope 
of the hill toward the Chinn house, into a gully, two hundred 
yards away. 

" We obeyed the order with alacrity, each man going at his 
best speed, and the lame and the slow-coaches getting over the 
ground as fast as any of their comrades. But we had barely 
passed the gully, found safety in the pine and cedar thicket 
beyond it, and gotten into a semblance of alignment, when an 
unknown voice again shouted the command, ' Forward ! ' and 
joining on the left of D. R. Jones' division, which just then 
came in line with us, we made such a vigorous and determined 
assault on the Federal lines at the Chinn house, as to force 
the enemy into retreat down a breach and valley leading in the 
direction of Sudley ford on Bull Run Creek. It took us until 
night, though, to get the Federals into the humor for going. 
They fought gallantly and stubbornly, and inflicted a severe 
loss on us. Exactly what our losses were in the day's fighting, 
I cannot say. The Fifth Texas carried into the action about 
800 men, but after the fighting was over, only 400 answered 
to roll-call." 

Because of a change of commanders on the field, two official 
reports were required to tell the part the Fifth Texas 
took in the battle of the 30th — one from Colonel J. B. Rob- 
ertson covering what occurred up to the time he was disabled, 
and one from Captain King Bryan, acting major, who suc- 
ceeded Robertson in the command. Colonel Robertson reports 
as follows : 

" My regiment was on the right of the brigade. I was or- 
dered to keep well-closed on the left of the First Regiment 
Texas Volunteers, which was the battalion of direction. I was 
notified that General Kemper, with his brigade, was on my 
right, and that I need have no uneasiness about my right 
flank. As the brigade moved across the first field to the tim- 
ber held by the enemy's skirmishers, a change of front forward 
on the left battalion made it necessary to move my men at a 
run across the field. At the edge of the timber the enemy's 
skirmishers were encountered by my skirmishers and driven 
back to a point in the timber about 100 yards from the open 


field beyond. Here I encountered the regiment of the enemy 
that had deployed as skirmishers, who had rallied on their 
right. I ordered the regiment to fire on and charge them. 
They broke and were closely pressed to the open field, where 
we encountered a second line of the enemy in the Fifth Regi- 
ment New York Zouaves, who, after permitting the fleeing reg- 
iment to pass its lines, presented a solid front for a short time. 

" Their stand was but momentary. They gave way before 
the impetuous charge of my men and fled, leaving the field 
strewn with their dead and wounded. Such was the im- 
petuosity of the charge and the unerring aim of my men, that 
very few, if any, of that regiment reached the hill beyond. My 
charge was continued across the branch and up the hill, in the 
direction of a heavy battery the enemy had playing on us from 
the hill beyond. 

" Seeing nothing of General Kemper's brigade or any other 
of our forces on my right, and no support visible in my rear, 
I ordered my regiment to halt under the crest of the hill. See- 
ing Major (Captain) Sellers, assistant adjutant-general, I 
went to him for orders. He ordered me to halt. I returned 
to the center of my regiment, which was but a few steps up 
the hill, and found that my right wing had failed to receive 
the order to halt, and had passed over the crest of the hill, 
and was advancing under a murderous fire from two of the 
enemy's batteries. As these batteries swept the field over 
which our reinforcements had to come, I determined to charge 
the one immediately in my front, in preference to recalling my 
right. It was here that I first missed my gallant lieutenant- 
colonel, J. C. Upton. His fall was the cause of my right 
not getting the order to halt. 

" The charge was gallantly made ; the battery cleared and 
passed; the enemy fleeing before us. As I passed down the 
hill beyond the battery taken, I observed the enemy in still 
heavier force than any we had encountered on the hill before 
us. They were drawn up in three lines of battle, the rear 
line of which was moving by the left flank at a run, for a point 
of timber on my right, some 400 yards distant. Seeing no 
support on my right, it was evident that I must gain this 
point of timber before him to prevent my right from being 
turned. I sought Colonels Wofford, of the Eighteenth 


Georgia regiment, and Gary, of the Hampton Legion, and 
announced the movement of the enemy and my determination 
to move by my right flank to the timber. They assented to 
the move, and I moved by my right flank up the hollow as 
rapidly as the exhausted condition of my men would permit 
me. We gained the woods, the head of my column leading 
the enemy's by some fifty yards, when we fired into them and 
drove them from the woods. After getting distance sufficient 
to cover the command, I ordered a halt, intending to collect 
my men and giving them a few moments' rest (they had made 
three separate charges and continued the run for one and one- 
half miles and were very much exhausted) and await our 

" Before my lines were well- formed, a regiment of our forces 
came up through the woods from the rear. As it passed my 
lines, the command of forward was given. My command, mis- 
taking it for them, moved forward, and thus became consider- 
ably scattered by intermixing with that regiment. We rallied 
and advanced to their right through the orchard and passed 
the house, driving the enemy from his position there, and 
gained the hollow beyond. Near the gate beyond the garden, 
I was struck down, and must refer to the report of Captain 
Ike N. Turner, who was left in command, Captain K. Bryan, 
my acting major, being wounded. 

" The separation of the regiments of the brigade during the 
battle probably increased the casualties in my regiment, inter- 
fering to some extent with its efficiency, and demonstrated the 
absolute necessity of having brigade commanders present with 
brigades at all times during the engagement. 

" My flag was borne into action by Color-Sergeant W. V. 
Royston, of Company I; next by Corpl. J. Miller, Company 
B ; Private C. Moncrief , Company C ; Private Shepherd, Com- 
pany B ; Sergeant Simpson, Company A ; Private J. Harris, 
Company D ; Sergt. F. C. Hume, Company D, all of whom 
were shot down while gallantly bearing the flag in front of the 
regiment. It was borne through the remainder of the fight 
by Private Farthing, Company D. 

" I had three companies left without a commissioned officer, 
viz., Companies C, H and I, but they pressed forward with- 
out faltering. 


" Where all behaved so nobly distinctions cannot, with pro- 
priety, be made. All, both officers and men, sustained well the 
reputation of the Lone Star flag, under which they fought 
through the battle. Among the list of killed I have to lament 
the death of the brave and chivalrous Lieut. Col. John C. 
Upton, who fell while gallantly leading the right wing of his 
regiment to victory. My list of killed is 15, wounded 245, 
missing 1. The regiment captured three stands of colors and 
two batteries. Six guns and quite a number of prisoners were 
sent to the rear." 

Following the above report of Colonel Robertson, comes that 
of Captain King Bryan, who was that day acting as major of 
his regiment. No report from Captain Turner is to be found. 
After saying that he (Bryan) was not wounded before Rob- 
ertson was, and that he succeeded Robertson in the command, 
Captain Bryan relates what happened after Robertson was 
wounded; that is, after the Fifth Texas halted in the hollow 
beyond the house referred to by Colonel Robertson. He says: 

" By the time the line was halted and formed, General Evans' 
brigade had come up on our left, when the command, forward, 
was given, and the Fifth Texas and Hampton's Legion moved 
off in good order to the edge of the field. Being then within 
80 yards of the enemy, another of our impetuous charges 
swept that wing of the enemy's line away like chaff before 
the wind, the right remaining intact, supported by a battery 
and another strong line of infantry formed perpendicularly 
to the other line, distant from the Chinn house about 600 
yards. Another battery was near the Chinn house on the 
left and in rear of the line we had assailed and broken. 
The pursuit was rapid, the rush being mainly directed toward 
the last mentioned battery ; but this was managed with such 
precaution as to move in time to effect its escape, we capturing 
two caissons only. In the charge some confusion occurred on 
our right which caused me to hasten to that flank, and coming 
in contact with a brigade of fresh troops, I moved rapidly 
along its line, appealing to it to move faster, not knowing what 
might be awaiting us beyond the house. The pursuit was con- 
ducted to the left of the house and through the orchard and 
yard. On the east of the house is a wide hollow, and in it a 


mass of timber running northeast, beginning opposite the 
house and extending in the direction named about 700 yards, 
when it turns more to the eastward, leaving a large open field 
on the north. At the head of the hollow, about 400 yards 
from where the timber makes the turn to the eastward, was a 
batter} r . Opposite this point or turn in the timber, and on the 
ridge upon which the Chinn house stands, rested the left of 
that perpendicular line, which consisted of two heavy regi- 
ments. Being delayed by going to the right, on arriving east 
of the house I had the satisfaction of seeing our flag at the 
timber, it having pursued that far and halted, and was waving 
briskly, that the men might see and rally to it. I recognized 
the tall and manly forms of Captains J. S. Cleveland and 
Turner with it and directing its movements. I found a num- 
ber of our men who had been forced to take shelter in a deep 
wash in the side of the ridge from a terrible flank fire poured 
upon them from the perpendicular line described. It was this 
fire during this pursuit and subsequent advance upon it which 
caused our very heavy losses on that day. We were not allowed 
to remain long in our then secure position. A small brigade 
came up, moving toward the last mentioned line of the enemy, 
and the only unbroken one on that part of the field. 

" As the brigade reached our thinned ranks, the command 
forward was given, and all started off in the new direction 
with the same spirit which had characterized their previous 
movements on that day, but gradually settled down to conform 
to the movements of the brigade. Our flag dashed up the 
slope to the center of the brigade, and then led on in the direc- 
tion of the enemy. About this time I joined the colors and 
remained near them. I found Captain Turner and Sergeant 
Hume, of Company D, and privates Jimmy Harrison and G. 
W. Earthing, of the same company, with them, Captain Cleve- 
land having just fallen, dangerously wounded in the neck, hav- 
ing discharged his every duty as an officer and soldier, to his 
company and his country. Harris had the flag when I joined 
the party. His enthusiasm was such that it could not be re- 
strained. He would from time to time rush to the front a dis- 
tance of 60 or 70 yards, face to the advancing line, wave the 
flag and shout, * Come on ' ; but we were soon deprived of his 
gallant and cheering example. He was cut down by a severe 


wound in the right thigh, falling far in the van of our line. 
Sergeant Hume took the flag when young Harris fell, and bore 
it high above all others which were then floating over the field, 
as a beacon to our men who had been separated from it. Ser- 
geant Hume, after bearing the flag about 200 yards, was also 
shot down. Being near him, I received the colors from him as 
he fell, and carrying them a short distance I transferred them 
to Private Farthing, who carried them through the remainder 
of the day. 

" The brigade had steadily followed our flag, but I now dis- 
covered that the line had diminished by the men falling be- 
hind, and the nearer we approached the enemy the greater was 
this evil; but as vacancies occurred in the rank they were 
promptly closed from the flanks. On arriving within 70 yards 
of the enemy I found that we had not more than 200 men in 
line and in supporting distance of the flag; but the hill-side 
was covered with those who had fallen behind, yet slowly ad- 
vancing, still loading and firing as they came, the nature of 
the ground being such that they could shoot over us with 
effect upon the enemy. I halted the colors and closed the line 
upon them, intending to await the coming up of those scat- 
tered men before advancing the attack further. Here I dis- 
covered that the whole command devolved upon me, all evi- 
dence of any other organization than that of the Fifth Texas 
having disappeared from the field. In this I was assisted by 
Captain Turner; but the enemy would not permit our delay. 
By the time the line had closed upon the flag, which had halted 
immediately in front of the colors of his left regiment, the 
commander of that regiment dashed through his lines to the 
front and commanded his men to charge, the left of which 
had gotten in motion, when some well-directed shots from our 
side brought the officer and his horse both down. This was 
followed by a yell and a rush from our side, which, together 
with our well-directed fire, completed the work. They broke by 
the left flank, and fled behind the batteries at the head of the 
hollow, the whole line following in the same trace. On dis- 
covering this, we halted and poured our fire upon them as they 
passed. We might have made an advantageous movement and 
cut off the rear of their line, but their right was obstructed 
from our view by high ground until they reached a point 


about opposite to our left, and we deemed victory too secure 
to hazard the result by a movement the certainty of which 
could not be clearly foreseen. We pursued, keeping up our 
fire till the last one had taken shelter behind their guns. 

" Our attention was now attracted to the open field north of 
the timber. Here was to be seen the heaviest line of the day 
advancing steadily across the field, firing rapidly as they ad- 
vanced upon our troops (Jenkins' brigade) who had fought 
upon the right and up through the timber, and at that time 
occupying a position in the timber fronting this line. Now 
that we had disposed of our immediate foe, our next impulse 
was to assist our friends, and accordingly we turned our fire 
upon the flank of the advancing line, moving forward at the 
same time, the range being too great for our fire to be fully 
effective; but we had not gone more than 150 yards when we 
encountered the line of fire from the enemy's battery, which 
was playing across our front upon General Jenkins, when it 
was determined to move down to the timber by the right flank 
to a point opposite General Jenkins' line, and there file out 
and form upon his left. In this movement I was wounded and 
had to quit the field, when the command devolved upon Cap- 
tain Turner. 

" We went into the last attack with the new brigade not 
expecting to act a very conspicuous part in the new drama, 
but rather, as auxiliaries to the brigade, and I felt surprised 
and disappointed when I found that we had the whole work 
left upon our hands. Yet we shrank not from the responsi- 
bility, and with the smiles of fortune upon our side, we suc- 
ceeded in breaking the line, though it was fully five times our 
strength. This was the third heavy line the Fifth Texas had 
encountered that day, in each instance achieving complete suc- 
cess. But for the timely breaking of that line the fortunes of 
the day might have been changed. Had it remained intact ten 
or fifteen minutes longer it might have co-operated with the 
heavy line then advancing upon our front, before which our 
men had to yield ground for a time, by flanking our position 
in the timber. Such a movement at that time must have been 
attended with very disastrous results to us." 


Sharpsburg, or Antietam ' 

Believing that the only hope of the South for success 
against the great numbers and resources of the North lay in 
rapid fighting, General Lee moved his army toward Maryland. 
Jackson led the advance — marching northward on July 31 — 
Longstreet's command marching in the same direction on the 
1st of September. The weather was excessively hot, the roads 
dusty, the tramp a weary one. But there was no grumbling, 
and but little straggling, for large accessions to our ranks 
were promised, and high hopes were entertained that the pres- 
ence of the victorious Confederate army in Maryland would go 
far toward securing the independence of the South and peace 
between it and the North. 

Having, on the 31st of August, buried its dead, the Texas 
Brigade marched northward on the morning of September 1, 
and on the 5th forded the Potomac River at Point of Rocks — 
the men keeping step, as best they could on the slippery bot- 
tom, to the tune of " Maryland, My Maryland," played by 
Collins' brass band. But the reception it and other Confed- 
erate commands were accorded by the Marylanders was as 
nearly freezing as the waters they waded — the truth being 
that they were entering a section of the State the residents 
of which were, as a rule, pronounced Unionists. Two days 
later, the brigade camped on the Monocacy, near Frederick 
City, whence, on the 10th, it marched on to Hagerstown. 

At Frederick City, General Lee had his army in a position 
that created well-founded alarm in Washington and all over 
the North. The Federal army was practically without a com- 
mander, the authorities having lost faith in both McClellan 
and Pope. For a brief space of time, the game was in Gen- 
eral Lee's hands. Not knowing it, though, he divided his 
army, sending Jackson, with all his command and nearly half 
of Longstreet's, up the river to capture Harper's Ferry, then 
held by a force of 11,000 Federals who, he feared, might inter- 


rupt his communications with Richmond by way of the Shen- 
andoah valley. The order for the movement was embraced in 
Special Order No. 191, and in this was disclosed not only Lee's 
plans but the position and the place it would likely be in the 
near future, of every command in his army. A copy of that 
order fell into the hands of a careless staff officer, and was 
used by him as a wrapper for cigars. The bundle was lost, 
and picked up on the street by a Unionist ; he smoked the 
cigars and sent the wrapper to General McClellan, who, by 
that time, was in command of the Federal army. 

McClellan got possession of the order on the 13th. Up to 
that date, his movements had been characterized by even more 
caution and timidity than he had displayed when approach- 
ing Richmond in May ; but informed by the order that Jack- 
son was at Harper's Ferry and Longstreet at Hagerstown, 
he felt that his opportunity had come, and immediately ordered 
his army forward — his aim, to crush Longstreet before Jack- 
son could rejoin him. Thus it happened that in the late after- 
noon of the 13th his advanced forces came in contact with the 
Confederates, under D. H. Hill, left by Lee, who rode with 
Longstreet to Hagerstown, to hold the gaps in the range of 
mountains between Hagerstown and Frederick City. 

Hearing the sound of Hill's guns, and informed by a scout 
that the whole Union army was moving against the small force 
then under his command, General Lee realized the peril in which 
he had placed his army by dividing it. Up to that moment 
he had believed Jackson would have ample time to capture 
Harper's Ferry and return to him before any advance was 
made by the Federals. But he might yet, he thought, con- 
test the passage of the gaps through which McClellan and his 
army must come, long enough to reunite his scattered troops, 
and he therefore, on the morning of the 14th, ordered Long- 
street's command to the aid of Hill. 

Hood's division left its camp at Hagerstown in a frame of 
mind that threatened insubordination. At the close of the 
last day's fighting at Second Manassas, Texas scouts captured 
quite a number of well-appointed ambulances and their teams. 
Hood ordered them distributed among the regiments of his 
division, but Major-General Shank Evans, under whose com- 
mand the division temporarily fell on the 1st of September, 


interfered, ordering the captured vehicles and teams turned 
over to his South Carolina brigade, for its exclusive use. Hood 
refused to do this, and, placed under arrest by Evans, was 
ordered by Longstreet, a friend and crony of Evans in the 
old United States army, back to Culpeper Court House, to 
await trial on charges to be preferred by Evans. The matter 
coming to Lee's ears, he countermanded Longstreet's order by 
directing that Hood should remain with the army, but did not 
release that officer from arrest. And, therefore, since Septem- 
ber 1, Hood, bereft of command, had followed in rear of the 
Texas Brigade. 

Feeling that the commander they most trusted was deeply 
wronged, the officers and men of the division had given loud 
expression to their indignation, and now as they marched to- 
ward what might be another battle, their wrath grew intense. 
The Texans, naturally, felt most aggrieved, and were most 
outspoken. Coming late in the afternoon to where General Lee 
sat on his horse by the side of the road, almost within the 
range of the enemy's guns, each man as he passed gave expres- 
sion to the resolve that if any fighting was done by the Texas 
Brigade, Hood must command it. General Lee was not inat- 
tentive, and understanding the full significance of the demand, 
he raised his hat courteously and replied, " You shall have him, 
gentlemen." The men began to cheer, but " when the gallant 
Hood, his head uncovered and his face proud and joyful, gal- 
loped by to his rightful place at the head of the division, the 
cheers deepened into a roar that drowned the volleys of the 
hundred cannons that were even then vengefully thundering 
at the gap. And, as the same order that released Hood from 
arrest, relieved the division of Evans, and left the ambulances 
in possession of it, happiness was at once restored. 

Having reached the summit of Boonesboro Gap, Hood's 
division took position on the left of the turnpike, its right 
resting upon that road. From this point the advance of Mc- 
Clellan's long lines could be seen moving up the slope in their 
front, evidently intending to dislodge the Confederate forces 
posted on the sharp ridges overlooking the valley to the east. 
Half an hour later, Hood moved the command to the right 
of the turnpike, our troops on that side having been driven 
back. In the new position taken, the men were ordered to fix 

Dick Pinckney 
Company G, Fourth Texas Regiment 



bayonets, and when the enemy came within a hundred yards, 
to fire and charge. The charge was made to the accompani- 
ment of a Confederate yell, and sent the Federals flying pell- 

The Confederates on the left of the pike, however, yielded 
ground to the enemy, who, advancing, took strong position 
near the western foot of South Mountain. This fact reported 
to General Lee, he decided to fall back toward Sharpsburg — 
the movement beginning on the morning of the 15th, and 
Hood's division, assisted by artillery and cavalry, forming the 
rear guard, and holding the Federals in check until the other 
troops of Longstreet's command marched quietly to their des- 
tination west of Antietam Creek. This was no easy task. The 
three days' rations issued to the division on the 13th included 
no meat, and were therefore the sooner exhausted. No cloth- 
ing or shoes had been furnished it since it left Richmond, and 
in a month and a half of hard marching and harder fighting 
hundreds of the men had become ragged and barefooted, while 
lack of provisions forced them to subsist on green corn and 
green apples. Nevertheless, they remained in high spirits, and 
contended as gallantly with the enemy as ever, on the 15th 
and during the forenoon of the 16th, when they overtook the 
main army, then in line west of Antietam Creek, confronting 
the Federals in position on its east side. 

On the afternoon of the 16th Hood's division took position 
in an open field in front of the Dunker or Saint Mumma church 
— the Texas Brigade on the left, Law's on the right — and 
against it, about an hour before sunset, advanced Hooker's 
Federal corps. With that it contended until a late hour in 
the night, and, when the firing had in great measure ceased, 
was so close to the enemy that it could distinctly hear his 
orders to troops being massed on his front. 

From General Hood's official report is taken the following: 
" I was ordered to take position in line of battle on the right 
of the road leading to Boonesborough, but soon received orders 
to move to the extreme left, near Saint Mumma church, on the 
Hagerstown pike, remaining in this position, under fire of the 
shells from the enemy, until nearly sunset on the evening of 
the 16th. The enemy, having crossed higher up the Antietam, 


made an attack on the left flank of our line of battle, the 
troops of this division being the only forces on our side en- 
gaged. We succeeded in checking and driving back the enemy 
a short distance, when night came on, and soon the firing 
ceased. . . . The officers and men of my command having 
been without food for three days, except a half ration of beef 
for one day, and green corn, General Lawton, with two bri- 
gades, was directed to take my position, to enable my men to 

" On the morning of the 17th, about 3 o'clock, the firing 
commenced along the line occupied by General Lawton. At 6 
o'clock, I received notice from him that he would require all 
the assistance I could give him. . . . Being in readiness, 
I at once marched out on the field in line of battle, and soon 
became engaged with an immense force of the enemy, consist- 
ing of not less than two corps of their army. It was here that 
I witnessed the most terrible clash of arms, by far, that has 
occurred during the war. The two little giant brigades of 
this division wrestled with this mighty force, losing hundreds 
of their gallant officers and men, but driving the enemy from 
his position and forcing him to abandon his guns on our left. 
The battle raged with the greatest fury until about 9 o'clock, 
the enemy being driven from 400 to 500 yards. Fighting, as 
we were, at right angles with the general line of battle, and 
General Ripley's brigade being the extreme left of General D. 
H. Hill's fores and continuing to hold their ground, caused 
the enemy to pour in a heavy fire upon the rear and right flank 
of Colonel Law's brigade, rendering it necessary to move the 
division to the left and rear, into the woods near the Saint 
Mumma church, which we continued to hold until 10 a. m., 
when General McLaws arrived with his command, which was at 
once formed in line and moved forward, engaging the enemy. 
My command was marched to the rear, ammunition replen- 
ished and returned at 12 m., taking position, by direction of 
the general commanding, in rear of the church, with orders to 
hold it. About 4 p. m., by order, the division moved to the 
right, near the center, and remained there until the night of 
the 18th, when orders were received to recross the Potomac." 

General Hood is liberal in this report of the praises he be- 

Captain h. P. Hughes 
Company F, Fourth Texas Regiment 



stows upon subordinate officers of the division. Among the 
Texas officers complimented by him is Major W. H. Sellers. 
Of him he says : " Too much cannot be said of the members 
of my staff, the chief, Major W. H. Sellers, having his horse 
shot while ably directing the Texas Brigade at the battle of 
Manassas during the time of my being sent for by the com- 
manding general to receive additional orders. He has proven 
himself competent to command a brigade under all circum- 
stances. This distinguished officer, together with my two 
aides, Major B. H. Blanton and Lieut. James Hamilton, had 
their horses shot during the battle at Sharpsburg while most 
gallantly pushing forward the troops and transmitting or- 
ders." He also mentions the gallantry and the valuable serv- 
ices rendered to him of his Texas couriers, Privates M. M. 
Templeman, T. W. C. Lake, J. P. Mahoney, James Malone, 
W. E. Duncan, J. A. Mann, W. J. Barbee, W. G. Jesse, J. J. 
Haggerty, and J. H. Drake. But he does not mention the 
tears that coursed down his cheeks, and the sobs that choked 
his utterance, when he saw his brave men falling fast before 
the merciless fire of the outnumbering enemy, and his every 
appeal for aid to them was met by the statement that there 
were no troops to send to their relief until McLaws should 

To this report General Hood appends a list of the casual- 
ties in the division from the date of its departure from Rich- 
mond — the list showing that the Texas Brigade lost at Free- 
man's Ford, 10 men; at Second Manassas, in the two days' 
fighting, 628 men; and at Sharpsburg, in the two days' fight- 
ing, 548 men. 

From the report made by Colonel W. T. Wofford, of the 
Eighteenth Georgia, as commander of the Texas Brigade, it 
is necessary to quote but few passages — his report as a whole 
being covered by those of the regimental commanders. Speak- 
ing of the movement to the right and in front of the church 
mentioned by General Hood, Colonel Wofford says : " While 
we were moving to this position, the enemy opened a heavy 
fire upon us from their long-range guns, which was continued 
after we were in position, and resulted in the wounding of a 
lieutenant and a private of the Fourth Texas. Late in the 
evening of the 16th, we were ordered by General Hood to move 


by the left flank through the open field in front of the church 
and to its left about 700 yards, to meet the enemy, who, it 
was then ascertained, had commenced to cross Antietam Creek 
to our left. We then formed line of battle and moved up to a 
corn-field in our front, and awaited the advance of the enemy, 
who had, by this time, opened on us a brisk fire of shot and 
shell from some pieces of artillery which they had placed in 
position immediately in our front and to the left of our lines, 
wounding one officer and some dozen men. 

" While our line of battle rested upon the corn-field, Cap- 
tain Turner, commanding the Fifth Texas, which was our 
right, had been moved forward into some woods, where he met 
a party of our skirmishers driven in by the enemy, whom he 
engaged and finally drove back, with the loss of one man. Our 
skirmishers, consisting of 100 men, under the command of 
Captain W. H. Martin, of the Fourth Texas, who had been 
moved into the woods in front and to the left of the Fifth 
Texas, were hotly engaged with the enemy, but held their 
ground until they had expended all their cartridges, and then 
fell into our line of battle, about 9 o'clock at night, about 
which time we were relieved by General Lawton's brigade, and 
were withdrawn from the field to the woods in rear of Mumma 
church, for the purpose of cooking rations, our men not hav- 
ing received any regular allowance in three days. 

" At % o'clock in the morning of the 17th, the picket firing 
was very heavy, and at daylight the battle was opened. Our 
brigade was moved forward at sunrise, to the support of Gen- 
eral Lawton, who had relieved us the night before. Moving 
forward in line of battle in the regular order of regiments, the 
brigade proceeded through the woods into the open field to- 
ward the corn-field, where the left encountered the first line of 
the enemy. Seeing Hampton's Legion and Eighteenth Georgia 
moving slowly forward, but rapidly firing, I rode hastily to 
them, urging them forward, when I saw two full regiments, 
one in their front and the other partly to their left. Perceiv- 
ing at once that they were in danger of being cut off, I or- 
dered the First Texas to move by the left flank to their relief, 
which they did in a rapid and gallant manner. By this time, 
the enemy on our left having commenced falling back, the 
First Texas pressed them rapidly to their guns, which now 


poured into them a fire on their right flank, center and left 
flank from three different batteries, before which their well- 
formed line was cut down and scattered; being 200 yards in 
front of our line, their position was most critical. Riding 
back to the left of our line, I found the fragment of the 
Eighteenth Georgia regiment in front of the extreme right 
battery of the enemy, located on the pike running by the 
church, which now opened upon our thinned ranks a most de- 
structive fire. The men and officers were gallantly shooting 
down the gunners, and for a moment silenced them. At this 
time the enemy's fire was most terrific, their first line of in- 
fantry having been driven back to their guns, which now 
opened a furious fire, together with their second line of infan- 
try, upon our thinned and almost annihilated ranks. . . . 

* • • • • 

" During the engagement ... I was drawn to the left 
of our line, as it first engaged the enemy, who had succeeded 
in flanking us on the left, and to escape from being sur- 
rounded, changed the direction to left-oblique, thus causing 
large intervals between the regiments on the left and right of 
the line. The Fifth Texas, under the command of Captain 
Turner, moved with spirit across the field and occupied the 
woods on our right, where it met the enemy and drove and 
held them back until their ammunition was exhausted, and then 
fell back to the woods with the balance of the brigade. The 
Fourth Texas, which in our line of battle was between the 
Fifth and First Texas, was moved by General Hood to the 
extreme left of our line on the pike road, covering our flank 
by holding the enemy in check. 

" The brigade went into action numbering 854, and lost, in 
killed, wounded and missing, 560 — over one-half. 

• • • • • 

" Without specially naming the officers and men who stood 
firmly to their post during the whole of this terrible conflict, I 
feel pleased to bear testimony, with few exceptions, to the gal- 
lantry of the whole brigade. They fought desperately: their 
conduct was never surpassed. Fragments of regiments, as 
they were, they moved boldly upon and drove before them the 
crowded lines of the enemy up to their cannons' mouths, and, 
with a heroism unsurpassed, fired upon their gunners, des- 


perately struggling before yielding, which they had never been 
forced to do before." 

Lieutenant-Colonel S. Z. Ruff, commanding the Eighteenth 
Georgia, says in his official report : " The next morning, 17th 
instant, just after daylight, the brigade was drawn up in line 
of battle, and ordered to lie down under cover of the hill from 
a terrible storm of shell that the enemy's batteries were at that 
time pouring into the woods. A heavy firing of musketry had 
been going on in our front for some time. About 7 a. m. the 
brigade was ordered to move forward in the direction of the 
firing. Advancing about a quarter of a mile through the tim- 
ber, we came upon the enemy posted in front of a piece of corn, 
and immediately opened fire upon them. After one or two 
rounds they gave way, and fell back to a considerable dis- 
tance in the corn. Advancing, with the left of the regiment 
resting on the right of the Legion, which had its left upon 
the turnpike, we drove the enemy in fine style out of the corn 
and back upon their supports. At the far edge of the corn, 
the ranks of the retreating line of the enemy unmasked a bat- 
tery, which poured a round or two of grape into our ranks 
with terrible effect ; but it was soon silenced by our riflemen, 
and the gunners ran away. At this moment we discovered a 
fresh line of the enemy advancing on our left flank in an oblique 
direction, threatening to cut us off, and our ranks being re- 
duced to less than one-third their original strength, we found 
it necessary to fall back. At the edge of the woods we met 
supports and rallied on them a part of our men ; but the regi- 
ment was too much cut up for further action, and in a short 
time, in connection with the whole brigade, was taken from 
the field. 

" We carried 176 men into the action, and lost 101 in killed, 
wounded and missing; most of the missing are either killed or 

Lieutenant-Colonel M. W. Gary, of Hampton's Legion, 
says : " The battle opened about day-break along the whole 
line. The Legion was placed to the left of the brigade, the 
Eighteenth Georgia being to its right. We began to advance 
from under cover of woods in rear of a church, and engaged 


the enemy as soon as we emerged from them, the enemy being 
in line of battle near the edge of the cornfield immediately in 
our front. We advanced steadily upon them, under a heavy 
fire, and had not gone far when Herod Wilson, of Company 
F, the bearer of the colors, was shot down. They were raised 
by James Estes, of Company E, and he was shot down. They 
were then taken up by C. P. Poppenheim, of Company A, and 
he, too, was shot down. Major J. H. Dingle, .Jr., then caught 
them and began to advance with them, exclaiming, ' Legion, 
follow your colors ! ' The words had an inspiring effect, and 
the men rallied bravely under their flag, fighting desperately 
at every step. He bore the colors to the edge of the corn 
near the turnpike road, on our left, and, while bravely uphold- 
ing them within 50 yards of the enemy and three Federal flags, 
was shot dead. I immediately raised the colors and again un- 
furled them amid the enemy's deadly fire, when Marion Wal- 
ton, of Company B, volunteered to bear them. I resigned them 
into his hands, and he carried them gallantly and safely 
through the battle. Soon after the death of Major Dingle, I 
discovered that the men to our right were falling back from 
being flanked on the right. I went to the fence of the turn- 
pike road, and discovered, about 200 yards distant, a brigade 
of the enemy in line of battle, covering our entire left flank. 
I immediately ordered the men to fall back under the crest of 
the hill. I then rallied them and reformed them, and remained 
with the brigade the remainder of the day. . . . Strength 
of battalion in action, officers and men, 77. Killed, 3 officers 
and 3 privates ; wounded, 3 officers and 46 privates." 

Lieutenant-Colonel B. F. Carter, commanding the Fourth 
Texas, says in his official report of the battle of the 17th: 

" Soon after daylight the brigade formed line of battle in 
regular order, the Fifth Texas being on my right and First 
Texas on my left, and about 7 a. m. were ordered to advance. 
I received no order as to which was the directing battalion, 
but, advancing diagonally to the right through the woods, we 
entered the open field on the right of the turnpike road. Here 
the fire upon us became severe, and, owing to our troops being 
in front of us, and the dense smoke pervading, we were unable 
to return the fire or see the enemy clearly. Still advancing, I 


came directly behind the Eleventh Mississippi, when I received 
the order from Captain Sellers for the Texas Brigade to halt. 
Halting, I ordered the men to lie down. At the same moment, 
the Eleventh Mississippi was ordered to advance, and a por- 
tion of two companies on my right, mistaking the order, ad- 
vanced with them. After a moment I received an order from 
General Hood to move to the left until the left of my regi- 
ment rested on the crest, in advance, next to the turn-pike 
road. Moving left-oblique in double-quick, I occupied the po- 
sition indicated, and was then ordered by General Hood to 
move directly up the hill on the left of the troops then ad- 

" The enemy then occupied the hill in strong force, which 
receded before our steady advance. Arriving on the top of 
the hill, at the intersection of the corn-field with the turn- 
pike, I found the enemy not only in heavy force in the corn- 
field in front, but occupying a ravine in the field on the left 
of the turnpike, from which position they poured a destructive 
fire upon us. I discovered at once that the position was un- 
tenable, but if I fell back the troops on my right who had 
entered the corn-field would be surrounded; so, wheeling my 
regiment to the left, I posted the men along the fence on either 
side of the turn-pike, and replied as best we could to the tre- 
mendous fire of the enemy. We held this position for some 
time, until the troops in the corn-field on my right were falling 
back, when I ordered the regiment to move along the line of 
fence by the left flank. This movement, however, exposed us 
so much that we fell back directly under the hill. Here I 
ordered the regiment to halt and form, but at the same mo- 
ment received an order from General Hood to move by the 
left flank into the woods. Forming here, I advanced on the 
left of the turnpike up to the fence at the edge of the field, 
and rested in this position until I was ordered by Colonel 
Wofford to fall back to the point we started from in the morn- 
ing, where the remnant of the brigade was formed. 

" I cannot speak in too high terms of the conduct of both 
officers and men of my command. Exposed to a tremendous 
fire from superior numbers, in a position which it was apparent 
to all we could not hold, they fought on without flinching until 
the order to fall back was given. These men, too, were half- 


clad, many of them barefooted, and had been only half-fed 
for days before. The courage, constancy and patience of our 
men is beyond all praise." 

In the omitted part of his report, Colonel Carter, among 
other things, states that he carried into action about 200 men. 
The list of casualties that he appended is not published, but 
elsewhere it appears that the Fourth Texas lost 10 killed and 
97 wounded. 

Gallant Captain Ike. N. M. Turner commanded the Fifth 
Texas during the engagements of the 16th and 17th at 
Sharpsburg, and is as laconic in his report as he was brave 
in action. He says : " About 8 o'clock at night (on the 16th) 
we were relieved, and retired to the woods in rear of the church. 
Slept until about day, when firing commenced in front. We 
were called to attention ; thrown around the hill in line of 
battle to protect us from grape and shell. We had not occu- 
pied this position more than half an hour before we were 
ordered out as support for the Third Brigade. We caught 
up with said brigade where our first line had been fighting. 
Here the Fifth was ordered to halt, by Major (Captain) 
Sellers, and allow the regiments on the right of the Third to 
advance. While lying here, General Hood rode up, ordering 
me to incline to the right, press forward, and drive the enemy 
out of the woods, which we did. The enemy twice tried to 
regain their position in the woods by advancing a force 
through the lower edge of the corn-field, which we repulsed. 
From a point of timber about 400 yards to our front and 
left, I discovered strong reinforcements marching out by the 
left flank down a hollow, which protected them from our fire. 
Allowing them to get within 75 yards of us with lines un- 
broken, I saw we would soon be hard pressed. Sent four times 
to Major (Captain) Sellers for support, determined to hold 
my position as long as possible. My men were out of ammu- 
nition, the enemy not more than 100 yards in my front, no 
support, no ammunition ; all of our troops had fallen back 
on my left ; I deemed it prudent to fall back also. 

" Officers and men, with few exceptions, behaved well. 

6i The casualties of the regiment were 5 killed; and 81 


The brunt of the battle of the 17th on that part of the 
line occupied by the Texas Brigade, fell upon the First Texas, 
and its men bore it like the heroes they were. By their brav- 
ery on that field of carnage they proved that, given the same 
opportunity, either one of the Texas regiments could be de- 
pended on to do all that mortals may to punish a foe and 
wrest from him a victory. The Fourth Texas had its day at 
Gaines' Mill, where it was the first Confederate command to 
break the enemy's lines ; the Fifth Texas secured its oppor- 
tunity when at Second Manassas, having exterminated the 
Zouaves, it " slipped the bridle," as General Hood said, and 
breaking loose from the brigade, went a mile to the front and 
never ceased fighting as long as its men could see to aim ; it 
was the turn of the First Texas at Sharpsburg, and, when 
weighed in the balance, it was not found wanting. As ex- 
pressed in the nomenclature of camp, at Gaines' Mill it was 
the " Hell-roaring Fourth " that carried off the honors ; at 
Second Manassas it was the " Bloody Fifth," and at Sharps- 
burg it was the " Ragged First." 

Lieutenant-Colonel P. A. Work commanded the First Texas 
at Sharpsburg. That part of his official report in which he 
relates the movements of the regiment is as follows: 

" The brigade, having been formed in order of battle upon 
the ground occupied by it on the night of the 16th, in the 
following order, to wit, First Texas in the center, Eighteenth 
Georgia left center, Fourth Texas right center, Fifth Texas 
on the right flank, and Hampton's Legion on the left flank, 
was moved forward to engage the enemy about — o'clock, the 
latter having made an attack upon our forces occupying a 
position in front of this brigade. Advancing through the 
woods some 200 yards, under a heavy fire of grape, canister 
and shell from the enemy's artillery, the brigade emerged into 
an open clover field some 200 to 250 yards in width, across 
which the forward movement was continued for some 150 to 
200 yards, when, it being discovered that the left flank of the 
brigade was exposed to attack, I was ordered to move by the 
left flank, following a corresponding move of the Eighteenth 
Georgia and Hampton's Legion upon my left, which I did 
until ordered to move by the right flank, which was also done. 


Advancing now by the right flank (my original front), I en- 
tered a cornfield and soon became engaged with a force of the 
enemy, driving them before me to the farther side of the corn- 
field. As soon as the regiment became engaged with the enemy 
in the cornfield, it became impossible to restrain the men, and 
they rushed forward, pressing the enemy close until we had 
advanced a considerable distance ahead of both the right and 
left wings of the brigade. Discovering that this would prob- 
ably be the case when my men first dashed forward, I dispatched 
you two different messengers, to wit — Capt. John R. Wood- 
ward, Company G, and Private A. G. Hanks, Company F — 
stating that I was driving the enemy and requesting you to 
hurry up the regiments on my right and left to my support. 
It was not until we reached the farther side of the cornfield 
that I could check the regiment. By this time we had broken 
the first line of battle of the enemy and had advanced to within 
some thirty steps of his second line, secreted behind a breast- 
work of fence rails thrown up in heaps upon the ground, when 
a battery of artillery some 150 or 200 yards in our front was 
opened upon us. My men continued firing, a portion of them 
at the enemy's men and others at the artillerists, the result of 
which was that the enemy's second line broke and fled, and the 
artillery was limbered up and started to the rear, when the 
whole fire of my regiment was concentrated upon the artil- 
lerists and horses, knocking over men and horses with such 
effect that the artillery was abandoned. Very soon, however, 
a force of the enemy was moved up to the support of this ar- 
tillery, when it again opened fire upon us. 

" Just at the farther side of the cornfield was the point 
where I was in great doubt as to the proper move to be made 
by me. I was aware that my regiment had advanced 150 or 
200 yards farther than the regiment upon my left, so diverg- 
ing as to leave a wide interval between the right flank of the 
Eighteenth Georgia and my left, thus exposing both regiments 
to attack — the Eighteenth upon the right and the First Texas 
upon the left flank. I was aware at the same time that a 
heavy force of the enemy was massed upon my left, and felt 
confident that in case I moved farther to the front I would be 
attacked upon my left and rear and annihilated. Had I moved 
forward to carry the enemy's battery I would have exposed the 


regiment to attack from three different directions, to wit, from 
the front from infantry and artillery and upon the left and 
rear from infantry. I am told also by some of the men that 
had I advanced a little farther to the front my right flank 
would have become exposed to attack, and am assured that 
some distance to my front, and obliquely to my right, was a 
large force of the enemy. This I did not discover myself. 
At this juncture I dispatched Acting Adjutant W. Shropshire 
to say to you that unless the regiments upon my left were 
moved up quickly to my relief and support upon my left, I 
would be forced to abandon my position and withdraw. Be- 
fore the return of Shropshire a fire of musketry was opened 
upon me from my left and rear, which determined me at once 
to withdraw, as I had but a handful of men left, all of which 
must have been slain or captured had I remained longer. I 
at once gave the order to fall back and the few men remain- 
ing to me retired, turning to fire upon the enemy as rapidly as 
their pieces could be loaded and fired. 

" I entered the engagement with 226 men, officers (field and 
staff) included, of which number 170 are known to have been 
killed and wounded, besides twelve others who are missing, and, 
doubtless, also killed or wounded. 

" During the engagement I saw four bearers of our State 
colors shot down, to wit : First, John Hanson, Company L ; 
second, James Day, Company M; third, Charles H. Kingsley, 
Company L, and fourth, James K. Malone, Company A. 
After the fall of these, still others raised the colors until four 
more bearers were shot down. Not having seen plainly who 
these were, I am unable to give their names in this report, but 
will do so as soon as, upon inquiry, I can ascertain. 

" It is a source of mortification to state that upon retiring 
from the engagement our colors were not brought off. I can 
but feel that some degree of odium must attach under the most 
favorable circumstances, and although such are the circum- 
stances surrounding the conduct of this regiment, the loss of 
our flag will always remain a matter of sore and deep regret. 
In this connection it is but proper to state, in addition to that 
detailed in the above and foregoing report, the additional cir- 
cumstances and causes which led to its loss. When the order 
to retire was given, the colors began the movement to the rear, 


when the color-bearer, after roving but a few paces, was shot 
down. Upon their fall some half dozen hastened to raise them, 
one of whom did raise them and move off, when he was shot 
down, which was not discovered by those surviving. While fall- 
ing back, and when we had nearly reached the cloverfield here- 
inbefore alluded to (being still in the cornfield), I gave the 
order to halt, and inquired for the colors, intending to dress 
upon them, when I was told that the colors had gone out of 
the cornfield. Then I gave the order to move on out of the 
corn and form behind the crest of a small ridge just outside 
of the corn and in the cloverfield. It was when I reached this 
point that I became satisfied our colors were lost, for I looked 
in every direction and they were nowhere to be seen. It was 
then too late to recover them. There was no one who knew 
the spot where they had last fallen, and, owing to the density 
of the corn, a view of no object could be had but for a few 
feet. By this time, also, the enemy had moved up and was 
within some thirty-five or forty yards of my left (proper) 
and rear, and another force was following us. No blame, I 
feel, should attach to the men or officers, all of whom fought 
heroically and well. There was no such conduct upon their 
part as abandoning or deserting the colors. They fought 
bravely, and unflinchingly faced a terrible hail of bullets and 
artillery until ordered by me to retire. The colors started 
back with them and when they were lost no man knew save him 
who had fallen with them. It is perhaps due to myself to 
state that when I determined to retire I requested Captain 
(U. S.) Connally to give the order upon the right and stepped 
to the left to direct Captain Woodward to give the order upon 
the left, from which point I moved on to the extreme left, to 
discover, if possible, the locality of the enemy attacking from 
that quarter, in order to be prepared to govern the movements 
of my regiment, so as to protect it as far as possible from 
danger and damage. While I was at the left thus engaged, 
the regiment commenced the movement to the rear, and, not 
being near the center, I was unable, owing to the density of 
the corn, to see where the colors were and when they fell. 

" Capt. John R. Woodward of Company G acted in the ca- 
pacity of major during the engagement, and aided me greatly 
in directing the movements of the regiment. Major (Matt) 


Dale, acting as lieutenant-colonel, had moved from the right 
and was conferring with me as to the propriety of advancing 
or at once withdrawing, when he was killed. Feeling that it 
was madness to advance with the few men left, I remained for 
several minutes after the fall of Major Dale, awaiting orders 
and information as to what my movements should be, being 
unwilling to withdraw as long as I had the ability to hold my 
then position without orders to do so." 

Colonel Work submitted with his report a list of the cas- 
ualties in the First Texas, but it is not published. It is known, 
however, that the First Texas carried into action on the 
morning of the 17th, 226 men, officers and privates, and in 
the tabular statement of killed and wounded made by Surgeon 
Lafayette Guild, Medical Director of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, its losses are given as 45 killed and 141 wounded. 

As evidence that the flag of the First Texas was not cap- 
tured, but was simply found lying on the ground and picked 
up by a Federal soldier, the following excerpt from a letter, 
dated December 17, 1908, and written by former Lieutenant 
W. E. Barry, of Company G, Fourth Texas, to George A. 
Branard, of Company L, First Texas, will be conclusive. At 
Eltham's Landing Branard, a member of the color-guard of 
his regiment, in the absence of the regular color-bearer, bore 
the flag so daringly and gallantly as to deserve and receive an 
appointment as color-bearer. Early in the action at Sharps- 
burg he was disabled, and handed the flag to one of his guard. 
Since the date of the letter he has passed over into the Great 
Beyond. Lieutenant Barry says : 

I was captured that morning of September 17th, 1862, in a 
lane that ran in front of the cornfield in which your regiment 
fought so long and desperately, and was delivered by my imme- 
diate captors to some cavalry under command of a major. While 
standing by the side of a public road, I saw approaching from 
the Federal front a party of infantry soldiers, one of whom was 
waving a flag that I immediately identified as that of the First 
Texas. When the party came up, the major asked what flag it 
was and where it had been captured. The reply of the man who 
held it was: "I did not capture it, Major — I found it in the 
cornfield." The major then asked me if I knew the flag. "Yes/ 


said I as the soldier handed it to me, " I know it well ; it is 
the flag of the First Texas regiment." And kissing it reverently 
I returned it to the soldier and asked him where he got it. He 
repeated his statement that he had found it in the cornfield, and 
then told me that thirteen men lay dead within touch of it, and 
that the body of one of the dead lay stretched across it. From 
the description he gave of that body, and from subsequent infor- 
mation, I have not a doubt that it was the corpse of Lieutenant 
R. H. Gaston, a brother of Captain W. H. Gaston, of the First 

Writing of the battle of Sharpsburg, and of his observa- 
tions and experiences as a member of the Fourth Texas, Com- 
rade W. R. Hamby says : 

Ufa " ' 

" The Librarian of Congress in a recent letter to the Texas 
State Librarian, asking for information touching Hood's 
Texas Brigade, says : 6 The known . statistics of these regi- 
ments are so remarkable that if missing figures can be obtained 
it will establish a record equaled by few, if any, organiza- 
tions in the Civil War, or indeed in modern warfare.' 

" When a soldier has been wounded, he has the scar to show 
for his wound. When a regiment or brigade claims to have 
suffered heavily in battle, you ask for the list of killed and 
wounded. Judged by this standard, no brigade in the Con- 
federate Army has more bloody laurels or stands higher on 
the roll of honor than Hood's Texas Brigade. This article, 
however, will only attempt to describe the action of the bri- 
gade in the battle fought near Sharpsburg, Md., September 
17, 1862. 

" After the battle of South Mountain, September 14, we 
were the rear guard of the army on the march to Sharpsburg. 
On the morning of September 15, with a detail of one hundred 
men under Major Sellers, I was with the rear guard of the 
rear guard ; and after the army crossed the Antietam, we were 
on the skirmish line along the west bank of that stream, until 
the 16th. In the meantime the brigade had formed a line of 
battle along the Hagerstown and Sharpsburg Turnpike, near 
the Dunkard church. This modest and hitherto unknown 
church was destined soon to become historical, as it was the 
storm center of the great battle fought September 17, 1862, 


called Sharpsburg by the Confederates, and Antietam by the 
Federals. The church was about a mile north of the town of 
Sharpsburg and about a mile west of the Antietam River. 
From the church north, along the west side of the pike, the 
woods extended about a quarter of a mile to an open field, 
extending still farther north several hundred yards. Across 
the pike east of the church were open fields, somewhat rocky 
and hilly, extending about half a mile north, and intersecting 
with a cornfield. East of the fields were woods extending to- 
ward the river. 

" About sunset, the evening of the 16th, the Federal skir- 
mish line was seen advancing through the woods east of us, 
closely followed by lines of battle in echelon with banners wav- 
ing, drums beating, and bugles blowing. It was a magnificent 
spectacle, and looked more like they were on a grand review 
than going to battle. Our thin single line presented a striking 
contrast. Since leaving Richmond, about one month previous, 
we had marched over two hundred miles, and had participated 
in engagements at Freeman's Ford, Thoroughfare Gap, Sec- 
ond Manassas, and South Mountain, and had lost six hundred 
and thirty-eight men, killed and wounded. For the past sev- 
eral days, we had subsisted chiefly on apples and green corn. 
Many of us were barefooted and ragged, and all of us were 
foot-sore, weary, and hungry, but full of patriotic ardor and 
inspired faith in the justice of our cause. 

" The fight was opened by the artillery on our right, between 
us and Law's Brigade, which was composed of the 4th Ala- 
bama, 6th North Carolina, 2d Mississippi, and 11th Missis- 
sippi. They were as gallant soldiers, either collectively or in- 
dividually, as ever fought a battle. Among the first to enter 
the field, they were on the firing line when the last shot was 
fired. Both brigades advanced across the field with our skir- 
mish line in front, which fell in with the main line as we en- 
tered the woods. The action continued for some time after 
dark ; and when firing ceased, the two lines were so close to- 
gether that they could hear each other speak. We knew this 
was only a preliminary skirmish, as we could tell from the 
sounds in front of us that the Federals were massing their 
troops for a desperate battle the following day. In this posi- 
tion we remained until far into the night, when we were re- 

General Wieeiam R. Hamby 
Company B, Fourth Texas Regiment 



lieved by General Lawton's division, and marched a short dis- 
tance to the rear. After a long delay, some flour was issued 
to us, which was the first ration of any kind we had received 
since leaving Hagerstown ; but before the flour could be cooked 
and eaten, the battle of Sharpsburg had begun. 

" It was scarcely daylight Wednesday morning, September 
17, when the Texas Brigade was ordered in line of battle, and 
by sunrise it had crossed the pike in front of the Dunkard 
church and entered the meadow to take the place of the troops 
who had relieved us only a few hours before. The 5th Texas 
was on the right of the brigade, and as it entered the field 
was ordered into the woods east of the cornfield, where the 
fighting had occurred the previous evening. The 4th Texas, 
1st Texas, 18th Georgia, and Hampton's Legion entered the 
meadow in the order named, and at once encountered a heavy 
fire. The troops in front had lost half their numbers, had 
exhausted their ammunition, and were retiring, and the smoke 
was so dense that the enemy could scarcely be seen to return 
his fire. The 4th Texas was ordered by the left flank, to the 
left of the brigade, up the side of a hill towards the pike. In 
this formation, the 4th Texas, Hampton's Legion, 18th Geor- 
gia, and 1st Texas advanced and drove the Union lines out 
of the open fields, back upon their reserves across the pike 
on the west and beyond the cornfield on the north. 

' The enemy's reinforcements appearing in strong num- 
bers on the left, the 4th Texas changed from front to left 
flank and took position along the pike near the south edge of 
the cornfield. A short distance to the rear were some stone 
bowlders, behind which some of our wounded were placed to 
protect them as far as possible from further injury; but even 
then several were struck the second and some the third time. 
Hampton's Legion and the 18th Georgia were farther into 
the cornfield, facing a galling fire from infantry and artillery 
with a steadiness unsurpassed. The 1st Texas had advanced 
some distance beyond the remainder of the brigade toward the 
north side of the cornfield, breaking two lines of the enemy and 
forcing them to abandon a battery and take shelter in the ra- 
vine north of the field. Three times the enemy tried to check 
the 5th Texas in the woods east of the cornfield, and each time 
broke and fled before their intrepid advance. 


" The Texas Brigade was now only a skirmish line ; in fact, 
all of the Confederates on this portion of the field scarcely 
covered a fourth of the Federal front. It was yet early in 
the morning, although the battle had been hot and furious for 
some hours. In addition to the infantry and artillery on front 
and flanks, the heights above the Antietam were crowned with 
long-range batteries that poured a merciless fire ; while the 
fresh troops of the Union forces seemed inexhaustible as they 
were thrown upon the fragments of the Confederate lines. The 
earth and sky seemed to be on fire, and it looked like here 
would be the Thermopylae of the Texas Brigade. With sub- 
lime courage the 1st Texas held their advanced position in the 
cornfield against overwhelming numbers, and retired only to 
escape annihilation. Unsupported and with both flanks un- 
covered, the 4th Texas, Hampton's Legion and the 18th Geor- 
gia met the advancing enemy from across the pike and drove 
them back and held their line. Many of the men had ex- 
hausted their ammunition and supplied themselves from the 
cartridge boxes of the dead and wounded around them. They 
were holding a position they knew they could not retain ; yet 
men never fought better, and they withdrew only to keep from 
being surrounded. Falling back slowly below the crest of the 
hill, the line moved through the field, crossed the pike and 
took position in the woods near the church. The Fourth 
Texas was then ordered up through the woods west of the 
pike near the edge of the field on the north, where they re- 
mained about an hour, defiantly waving their flag over empty 
muskets, when they were ordered to rejoin the other regiments 
of the brigade. The Fifth Texas, finding their ammunition 
exhausted and that they were being flanked, retired and also 
rejoined the brigade. By this time the morning was far gone, 
and the Federals had advanced down both sides of the pike 
within a short distance of the line held by the remnants of 
Hood's division, who stood facing them almost exhausted and 
practically without ammunition. 

" At last the long-looked-for reinforcements arrived, and 
again the enemy were driven back upon their reserves. The 
Texas Brigade was then ordered a short distance to the rear 
for a fresh supply of ammunition, and again returned to the 
front about noon and found the woods near the church lately 


Company K, Fifth Texas Regiment 



occupied by them, in possession of the enemy; but as our line 
advanced, the Federals fell back across the pike into the field, 
about three hundred yards beyond the church. We steadily 
held our line near the pike until about sunset, when we were 
moved a short distance to the right, where we remained in line 
of battle until the night of the 18th, when the entire army 
withdrew and re-crossed the Potomac into Virginia. 

" If the reinforcements had reached the firing line before 
the Texas Brigade and Law's Brigade were forced to abandon 
their advanced positions, the Federals would have been swept 
from the field and another triumph would have been added to 
the list of Confederate victories. Our dead lay in rows upon 
the ground, where they had fought a fruitless fight ; and in- 
stead of a Confederate victory, it was an indecisive contest, 
giving hope and courage to the Federals and depressing in 
its effect upon the Confederates. 

" The battle of Sharpsburg was fought with desperate cour- 
age by both the gray and the blue, and the 17th of September, 
1863, stands out conspicuously as the bloodiest day in Ameri- 
can history . . . More men were killed and wounded 
that day than on any other one day during the war between 
the States, and I doubt if the dead and wounded ever lay 
thicker upon any field than was seen from the old Dunkard 
church north, for more than half a mile. The action com- 
menced about daybreak, and by sunset the bloody work had 

" The First Texas went into battle with £26 men, and lost, 
in killed and wounded, 186, a loss of eighty-two per cent. As 
one flag-bearer would fall, another would seize the flag, until 
nine men had fallen beneath their colors. Official records show 
that the First Texas lost more men, killed and wounded, in 
the battle of Sharpsburg, in proportion to numbers engaged, 
than any other regiment engaged, either Federal or Confed- 
erate, in any other battle of the war. The Fourth Texas went 
into the fight with 200 men, and lost 107 ; the Fifth Texas 
went into the fight with 175 men, and lost 86; the Eighteenth 
Georgia went into the fight with 176 men, and lost 85 ; Hamp- 
ton's Legion went into the fight with 77 men, and lost 55, in- 
cluding four flag-bearers. In the aggregate the Texas Bri- 
gade went into the fight with 854, rank and file, and lost 519, 


killed and wounded, including sixteen flag-bearers, a loss of 
over sixty per cent. This does not include the ' missing,' 
many of whom were, no doubt, killed or wounded." 

Both armies were completely exhausted by the fighting 
and constant moving to and fro on the 17th, and each wel- 
comed the night that came to call a halt on the terrible slaugh- 
ter. While his army rested, Lee summoned his corps and 
division commanders to meet him. General Stephen D. Lee, 
who was present, says : " As each commander came up, Gen- 
eral Lee inquired quietly, ' General, how is it on your part of 
the line? ' To this inquiry, Longstreet, apparently much de- 
pressed, replied to the effect that it was as bad as could be — 
that his division had lost terribly, his lines had been barely 
held, and there was little better than a good skirmish line along 
his front, and he volunteered the advice that General Lee 
should cross the Potomac before daylight. D. H. Hill came 
next. He said that his division was cut to pieces, that his 
losses had been terrible, and that he had no troops to hold his 
line against the great odds against him. He, too, suggested 
crossing the Potomac before daylight. Next came Jackson. 
He quietly said that he had to contend against the greatest 
odds he had ever met. He had lost many generals killed and 
several division and brigade commanders were wounded, and 
his losses in the different commands had been great. He, too, 
suggested crossing the Potomac before daylight. Next came 
Hood. He displayed great emotion, seemed completely un- 
manned, and replied that he had no division. General Lee, 
with more excitement than I ever witnessed him exhibit, ex- 
claimed, 6 Great God, General Hood, where is the splendid 
division you had this morning? ' Hood replied, ' They are ly- 
ing on the field where you sent them, sir; but few have strag- 
gled. My division has been almost wiped out.' 

" After the opinion of all had been given, there was an ap- 
palling stillness over the group. It seemed to last several 
minutes, when General Lee, apparently rising more erect in 
his saddle, said: * Gentlemen, we will not cross the Potomac 
to-night. You will go to your respective commands, strengthen 
your lines, send two officers from each brigade toward the ford 
to collect your stragglers, and get them up. Many others 


have already come up. I have had the proper steps taken to 
collect all the men who are in the rear. If McClellan wants 
to fight in the morning, I will give him battle again ! ' " 

McClellan, though, did not want to fight next morning. All 
day long of the 18th, Lee's army awaited assault — inviting 
it, challenging it, tempting it — but none was made. Then 
apprised of large reinforcements to his antagonist, and know- 
ing he could hope for none, Lee, during the night, placed his 
army on Virginia soil. 

On the 21st, General Lee wrote to Senator Wigfall, of 
Texas, a letter that furnishes evidence of his high estimate 
of the services of the Texas Brigade. In it, he said: 

i »' 

" I have not heard from you in regard to the new Texas 
regiments which you promised to raise for the army. I need 
them very much. I rely upon those we have in all our tight 
places, and fear that I have to call upon them too often. They 
have fought grandly and nobly, and we must have more of 
them. Please make every possible exertion to get them on for 
me. You must help us in this matter. With a few more regi- 
ments such as Hood now has, as an example of daring and 
bravery, I could feel more confident of the campaign." 


Fredericksburg and Suffolk 

October 1st found the Texas Brigade, its numbers reduced 
below that of an average sized regiment, encamped around a 
bold and very large spring of clear, cold water, three miles 
north of Winchester. Within the next two months a re- 
organization of the army was effected, and there was much 
shifting about of commands. General Hood was promoted to 
a major-generalcy, and given command of a division com- 
posed of Law's and the Texas Brigades, and Anderson's and 
Benning's Georgia Brigades. Colonel Jerome B. Robertson, 
of the Fifth Texas, was made brigadier-general and assigned 
to command of the Texas Brigade, and the Eighteenth Georgia 
and Hampton's Legion were transferred to other brigades, the 
Texas Brigade securing in their stead the Third Arkansas. 
This regiment consisted of nine companies of Arkansans and 
one of Kentuckians that, like those of the First Texas, had 
straggled to Virginia. Meeting at Lynchburg, Va., in July, 
1861, these ten companies had organized into a regiment, with 

Albert Rust as colonel, Barton as lieutenant-colonel, 

and Van H. Manning as major, and began their active service 
in West Virginia, and placed then under command of Jackson, 
became veteran soldiers. 

Colonel Law was also made brigadier-general, and assigned 
to the command of the brigade heretofore mentioned as 
Whiting's or Law's and sometimes as the Third Brigade. 
That brigade lost in the all-round shuffle of regiments, the 
Second and Eleventh Mississippi, getting in their places the 
Forty-fourth Alabama and the Fifty-fourth North Carolina. 
Subsequently, it lost the Sixth and Fifty-fourth North Caro- 
lina and secured in their places the Fifteenth and Forty-sev- 
enth Alabama Regiments. 

A law having been enacted by the Confederate Congress 
creating that rank, Longstreet and Jackson were made lieu- 



tenant-generals and assigned to duty under General Lee, who 
divided his army into two corps — the First, under Longstreet, 
embracing the divisions of McLaws', R. H. Anderson, Pickett, 
Ransom and Hood, and the First Corps of Artillery — this 
artillery consisting of the Washington (Louisiana) Artillery, 
under Colonel J. B. Walton, and Alexander's Battalion, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel E. P. Alexander. The Second Corps, un- 
der Jackson, was composed of the divisions of D. H. Hill, 
A. P. Hill, Ewell, Jackson's old division, and numerous bat- 
teries of light artillery. The Reserve Artillery was placed 
under command of Brigadier-General W. N. Pentleton, and 
the cavalry, under that of Major-General J. E. B. Stuart. 

The stay of the Texas Brigade in camp near Winchester 
was long and restful. Barring the guard and fatigue duty 
necessary to preserve order and keep the camp cleanly, and 
occasional short drills, the men had little to do. Access to 
the most fertile and productive section of Virginia, and unin- 
terrupted communication with Richmond by two routes, en- 
abled the quartermaster and commissary departments to sup- 
ply large quantities of needed clothing and shoes, and ample, 
if not abundant, rations. Here, too, came to the army the 
mails withheld from it since its departure from Richmond. 

October 26th, Longstreet's Corps broke camp, and falling 
into line, marched to the southeast, keeping within striking 
distance of the Federal army, which about this time came 
south of the Potomac and moved out toward Richmond. Our 
movement was unhurried, and although we had the Blue Ridge 
to ascend and descend, was not fatiguing; the roads were in 
excellent condition ; water, that great need of marching in- 
fantry, plentiful, cold and clear ; the weather propitious, and 
the air cool and bracing. Our destination was Culpeper Court 
House, and Jackson, with his corps, being assigned the duty 
of guarding the passes of the Blue Ridge, we marched slowly 
on — Hood's division by way of Manassas Gap, where Ben- 
ning's Brigade had a brisk skirmish with a large body of Fed- 
eral cavalry. On the 7th of November Longstreet's Corps 
was in position behind Robertson River, near Culpeper Court 

McClellan remained in command of the Federal army but 
a few days after it came south of the Potomac, General Burn- 


side being assigned to the command on November 5, and re- 
lieving McClellan on the 9th. Burnside was far more suc- 
cessful in fixing a fashion in which to wear whiskers than in 
conducting the operations of a large army. He planned a 
demonstration with a large force in the direction of Gordon- 
ville, calculating that while General Lee guarded against that, 
the Federal army could reach Fredericksburg in advance of 
the Confederates, and place itself between the latter army and 
Richmond. But, though left in doubt for a day or two, Lee 
penetrated the designs of the Federal commander, with the 
result that when Bumside's advance reached Fredericksburg, it 
found the south side of the Rappahannock well-protected. 
Moving on down from the upper Rappahannock, Burnside 
soon had his army in line on Stafford Heights, the line of hills 
at the south foot of which the river runs. Thither marched 
also Lee's army — Longstreet's Corps taking position along the 
range of hills on the south side of the stream, its left extending 
around the city and for a mile or two above it, its right, to 
within a mile of Hamilton's crossing, a little railroad station 
five miles below Fredericksburg — Jackson's corps on the right 
of Longstreet's. 

Hood's division held the right of Longstreet's corps — the 
Texas Brigade, the center of the division, being stretched out 
in line in the open valley. The main fighting was done by Mc- 
Laws' division at Marye's Hill, and by Jackson's troops in the 
vicinity of Hamilton's crossing, and between that and the river. 
As save through its scouts and skirmishers, the Texas Brigade 
took no active part in the battle, a description of the engage- 
ment will be left to the general historian. The enemy com- 
menced crossing to the south side of the Rappahannock, at 
daylight of the 11th. It took him all that day and the next 
to get his army across and in line, and the battle, therefore, 
did not begin until the morning of the 13th. During the 11th 
and 12th, however, the 350 pieces of artillery, many of them 
guns of long range, that General Burnside had stationed on 
Stafford Heights in positions commanding every part of the 
wide valley south of the Rappahannock, kept the air hot with 
flying projectiles, and there was hardly a minute of either day 
but was marked by the roar of a cannon, the bursting of a 
shell, or the passage of round shot. Out of range of the 


cannon, as a rule, the men of the Texas Brigade stood pas- 
sive but deeply interested spectators of events as they oc- 
curred on their right and left. At one trivial incident which 
transpired, they were stirred to mirth that was long and loud. 

The Forty-fourth Alabama and the Fifty-fourth North 
Carolina regiments of Law's Brigade were made up, as a rule, 
of conscripts — young men under twenty, and old men — dressed 
in homespun, and presenting a very unsoldierly appearance. 
But there were no cowards among them. Ordered to drive 
back a force of the enemy which was coming too near our lines 
for safety, they not only sprang forward in a charge of sur- 
prising recklessness, but continued the charge until, to save 
them from certain capture, General Hood peremptorily re- 
called them. As they passed the Texas Brigade on their 
return, one old fellow halted, wiped the powder-grime from 
his weather-beaten and time-furrowed face with the sleeve of 
his coat, and wrathfully exclaimed : " Durn ole Hood, any- 
how ! He jess didn't have no bus'ness 't all ter stop us when 
we'uns was uh whippin' them ar durn blue-bellies ter h — 11 an' 
back, an' eff we'uns hadder bin you Texikins, he'd never o' 
did it." 

How the battle of Fredericksburg would end was a foregone 
conclusion. Lee and his 80,000 men held a position as im- 
pregnable to any assault that could be made on it by Burn- 
side's 116,000, as were Stafford Heights to the 80,000. Re- 
pulsed with great slaughter at every point of the line they at- 
tacked, the Federals abandoned the contest and recrossed the 
Rappahannock. Then, having within six months driven Mc- 
Clellan from before Richmond, defeated Pope at Second Man- 
assas, won all the honors from McClellan, when again his an- 
tagonist at Sharpsburg, and forced General Burnside to a 
halt, General Lee ordered his army into winter quarters. 
These to be constructed by the army, the Texas Brigade was 
assigned heavily timbered ground. But it was so late in the 
season, and there was such likelihood, the men thought, of an 
early spring campaign, that they were content to erect only 
temporary structures. Accustomed and inured by this time 
to many discomforts, they deemed it a waste of labor and time 
to build cabins they might have to vacate in a month or two. 

But as in that month or two they would feel the need of 


amusement, they contributed liberally in labor and funds to- 
ward the erection of a single story, log theater, in which they 
might listen to concerts and see plays given and performed by 
the members of Collins' Band, assisted by such other talent 
as was to be found in the army. The weather was cold and 
dry, although snow lay on the ground for days at a time ; fuel 
was abundant, guard and fatigue duty light, and drilling not 
required, and with little else for the men to do, the theater 
had a large patronage — General Hood being a frequent at- 
tendant, and even General Lee being, on one occasion, an audi- 
tor. The favorite amusement in the day-time, when snow lay 
on the ground, was snowballing. This began with battles be- 
tween individuals, but soon extended to companies, regiments 
and brigades. On one occasion, there was a battle royal be- 
tween brigades of Hood's division in which generals, colonels 
and many other subordinate officers participated — the align- 
ments and movements of the opposing brigades being conducted 
in regular military style, with regiments carrying their flags, 
and drums and fifes in full blast. Indeed, such a racket was 
made that day by the Confederate army — for the sport was 
not confined to one division alone — that the Federals on the 
other side of the Rappahannock took alarm, and at least one 
of their cavalry regiments saddled its horses in readiness to 
meet an expected attack. 

The Texas Brigade was not mistaken in believing that its 
stay in winter quarters would be short. About the middle 
of February, 1863, there were indications of a move upon 
Richmond, or Petersburg, from the direction of Suffolk. 
President Davis and the members of the Confederate Congress, 
which was then in session, became Quite uneasy, and to allay 
their apprehensions, General Lee ordered Pickett's and Hood's 
divisions to the neighborhood of the capital city. The two 
commands marched on the 15th — Pickett's division halting on 
the Chickahominy, but Hood's passing through Richmond and 
camping between that city and Petersburg — the Texas Bri- 
gade, on Falling Creek, four miles south of Richmond. 

The change was a welcome one. It brought us within easy 
access of the " Texas depot," a warehouse in the city rented 
by the officers of the brigade, in which was stored for safe- 
keeping all such private property of members of the com- 


mand as could not be carried on the march. In addition, Hood 
being exceedingly liberal in granting passes, it enabled the 
men to make frequent visits to the city and indulge in the 
many recreations it afforded. Its nearness to the main depot 
of supplies for the army had its advantages. Hood a fav- 
orite with both civil and military authorities, his requisitions 
on the quartermaster department were honored to such an ex- 
tent that the ragged were clothed and the bare-footed shod. 
Hats, however, were not to be had until some inventive genius 
— a member of the First Texas, it was said — hit upon a novel 
scheme of securing them from the passengers on trains that 
passed through the brigade camp. 

A high bridge across the creek insured the slowing up of the 
train • at the point on the track most suitable for the execu- 
tion of the scheme. A train due, all men in need of hats, and 
many that did not need them and only went along to assist 
their friends, would form in line on one side of the track, each 
with a brush made of the tops of young pines in his hands. As 
the train came by, a shout would be raised that, sounding high 
above the roar and rattle of the train, would excite the alarm 
or curiosity of the passengers who, springing to the windows, 
would stick their heads out, and as at that moment the brushes 
were brought into play, off the hats of the poor innocents 
would tumble. The first losers being plain, unassuming citi- 
zens, were laughed at by the authorities as the victims of a 
practical joke. But when, as soon happened, a brigadier- 
general, the numerous members of his staff, and half a dozen 
members of Congress on their return from some junketing 
trip, lost their cocked and stove-pipe hats at the same place 
and in the same high-handed way, complaint was made and 
heeded, and thereafter there were no linings up along the track, 
and the Texans and Arkansans that were still hatless were 
compelled to make other calculations. 

The rest of the brigade was not disturbed until the 18th of 
March. Then it was discovered that some movement was in 
progress or contemplation by General Hooker, who in Jan- 
uary had been given command of the Federal army at Fred- 
ericksburg, vice General Burnside, removed, to gobble up Mr. 
Davis, his cabinet and all the members of Congress. The blow 
was to come from the direction of the Peninsula, and to guard 


against it, the Texas Brigade was routed out of its camp and 
marched in haste through Richmond, down the Brook turn- 
pike toward Ashland. When within five miles of Ashland, an 
order from General Lee recalled it, he having assured himself 
that no danger threatened the capital of the Confederacy. 
Night close at hand, and the order of recall not enjoining 
haste, General Hood ordered the command into camp until 

Until nearly sunset, the day had been clear and comfortably 
warm. At that hour, though, the sky clouded, and a brisk 
cold wind blew from the north. By midnight, the wind lay 
and snow commenced falling, and fell so heavily that by day- 
light the ground was covered with it to the depth of three or 
four inches, and it was still falling rapidly. General Robert- 
son, who, on account of his democratic ways and a certain 
fussiness over trifles, was by this time called " Aunt Pollie," 
lost no time after sunrise in putting the brigade in motion 
toward Richmond — the objective point of the day's march be- 
ing the camp we had vacated the day before. Called into line 
at 8 a. m. the men set forth in the blinding snow-storm, their 
speed hastened by a natural longing to partake of the viands, 
liquid and otherwise, so easily to be procured in Richmond since 
a learned justice of the peace there had decided that the mili- 
tary authorities had fractured the constitutions of both the 
State of Virginia and the Southern Confederacy when they 
prohibited the sale of liquor by the drink. 

There was much straggling, but strange to say, it was not 
in the rear but all to the front. When at last fairly in the 
city, the brigade disintegrated, so to speak, every soldier not 
a teetotaller making a flank movement to right or left. So 
sudden, surprising and inexplicable was the depletion of ranks, 
that when Aunt Pollie looked back through the obscuring mist 
of yet fast-falling snow down the short and attenuated line 
of shadowy figures following in his wake, he could give ex- 
pression to his feelings only by exclaiming, " Where the 
blankety blank is the Texas Brigade ? " He was about to send 
details in quest of the absconders, but luckily, General Hood 
was near by and intervened. West Pointer that Hood was, he 
not only knew Texas and Arkansas tastes and temperaments, 
but was not unwilling they should be occasionally indulged. 


Calling to Aunt Pollie, he said, " Let 'em go, General — let 'em 
go ; they deserve a little indulgence, and you'll get them back 
in time for the next battle." 

About this time, General Longstreet, then at Petersburg and 
in temporary command of all Confederate forces in south- 
eastern Virginia and northeastern North Carolina, learned that 
a great deal of bacon and corn was in the hands of citizens 
living along the coast south of Norfolk. To collect and 
transport this to points accessible to the Confederate army, he 
ordered Hood's division to Suffolk, with instructions to hold 
the Federal forces there closely within their lines and enable 
wagon trains to haul from the country north of the Chowan 
River all the bacon and forage to be found. Hood moved his 
division about the 1st of April, and passing through Peters- 
burg, proceeded to the neighborhood of Suffolk, by way of 
Jerusalem and the Blackwater River. Rut the forts and in- 
trenchments of the Federals at Suffolk were so surrounded and 
protected from land assault, by water, that to accomplish their 
capture was out of the question. Hence, while the Texas Bri- 
gade did a great deal of picketing, skirmishing and scouting, 
it engaged in no battles, and its losses were slight — the most 
notable and the most regretted being that of the daring Cap- 
tain Ike N. M. Turner, of the Fifth Texas. 

General Hood halted at the camp of the Fourth Texas one 
day to speak to Colonel Key about some unimportant matter. 
Noticing, however, that Bill Calhoun stood near, and knowing 
something of his unique character, Hood winked at Key, and 
in a loud tone, said : " Detail an officer and twenty-five of 
your best men, Colonel, and have them report to me at my 
headquarters within an hour. I have set my heart on secur- 
ing possession of one of those gunboats down on the Nanse- 
mond River, and I feel sure that many men can easily cap- 
ture it." 

Bill heard the challenge, and without a moment's hesitation 
accepted it. Stepping forward, and laying a hand on the 
neck of the horse Hood rode, he touched his hat in salute, and 
looking straight into Hood's eyes, said : 

" Now look here, General Hood, eff you've jest got to 
have a gunboat, speak up like a man an' say so, an' the 
Fourth Texas will buy you one. But hit ain't a goin' ter go 


foolin' roun' any o' them big boats down on the river, fur 
they say the dura things are loaded. Besides, hit'll take 
swimmin' ter gat at 'em, an' there's mighty few of us kin 
do it." 

It was in January, 1863, previous to the departure of 
Hood's division from Fredericksburg, that General Burnside, 
seeking to restore the prestige he had lost in his blundering 
essay against Lee in December of 1862, and thus ward off im- 
pending dismissal from high command, ordered his army to 
undertake the famous " Mud march " — his aim, to cross the 
Rappahannock above Fredericksburg and fall upon Lee's left 
flank. He had hardly made a start, though, when a tremen- 
dous storm of wind, rain and snow began, and compelled the 
abandonment of the project. The only opposition to the 
movement offered was by the Confederate cavalry, the infantry 
of Lee's army making no move whatever. One of the grim- 
mest jokes ever perpetrated on the commander of an army, 
was that of the Southern troopers who placed on trees near 
the roads on which the Federals were advancing, large and 
plainly lettered signs bearing the legend, " This is the way 
to Richmond." 

Following immediately on this grand faux pas, came an 
order relieving Burnside from command, and appointing 
" Fighting Joe " Hooker as his successor. General Hooker 
had his hands full at once. The Federal army had deeply re- 
sented the removal of McClellan from its command after the 
battles around Richmond. It had no time to voice its pro- 
test until he was restored to command, just before the battle 
of Sharpsburg. As it was thought he would be allowed to 
continue in command, the disaffection ceased. When, how- 
ever, he was again removed, and Burnside appointed to suc- 
ceed him, the disaffection revived, and growing greater as 
events proved the incapacity of the new commander, reached 
its height when he was removed and Hooker appointed. An- 
other cause for disaffection was the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion issued by President Lincoln when assured by his advisers 
that the battle of Sharpsburg, or Antietam, as they called it, 
was a decisive victory for the Union arms. Many of the 
officers in high command, and especially those who had served 
in the regular army, were far from hostile to slavery. A large 

Lieutenant w. W. Henderson 
Company B, Fifth Texas Regiment 



proportion of the private soldiers, especially in regiments 
raised in the large cities of the North, looked with bitter aver- 
sion upon the negro. 

For quite a while after General Hooker took command, his 
army appeared to be undergoing a process of disintegration. 
Not only were there as many as 200 desertions a day, but the 
soldiers at the front were encouraged and advised to desert 
by their friends and relatives at home, and every aid given 
them. Practically the entire army yet resented the removal of 
McClellan, and the appointments first of Burnside and then 
of Hooker, and believed that the Federal government would 
be forced to restore McClellan to command and abandon its 
policy of emancipation. What with deserters and those ab- 
sent by leave, 85,000 men, of whom 4000 were commissioned 
officers, left the army and scattered all over the North. 

But the disaffection in the Union army neither became re- 
volt nor lasted long. By the middle of April most of its men 
and officers had returned to it, and it had been reorganized and 
in various ways improved. When its numbers approached 
100,000, General Hooker commenced looking for a route by 
which he could fall upon Lee's army, and defeating it, march 
his army on to Richmond. Hitting upon that least expected 
by his wary opponent, he set his army in motion. Instead of 
seeking to force a passage of the Rappahannock, he marched 
to fords above the mouth of the Rapidan, and there crossing, 
threw the bulk of his troops into the Wilderness country and 
concentrated them at Chancellorsville. 

This movement was so well-planned and executed that not 
until the morning of May 1st did General Lee learn that, prac- 
tically, the whole of the Federal army had crossed the Rap- 
pahannock and was advancing upon him. In fact, Hooker 
then had fully 70,000 men at Chancellorsville, Lee, a scant 
20,000, and General Sedgewick was advancing from Fred- 
ericksburg on the right flank of these. But Hooker made, a 
grave blunder. Instead of gaining position, as he might easily 
have done on his arrival at Chancellorsvile, in the open country 
a mile and a half southwest of Chancellorsvile, where he could 
have kept vigilant watch on the movements of the Confed- 
erates, he halted his troops so far back in the dense forest as 
to allow Lee to form his line also in the timber, and thus con- 


ceal his small force. Having this advantage, Lee held the 
overwhelming forces arrayed against him in check until Jack- 
son made a long detour through the thick woods, and late 
in the afternoon of the 3rd, fell upon the Federal rank flank, 
and putting it to rout, compelled the retreat of the Federal 
host to the north side of the Rappahannock. 

May 1st, General Lee wrote to Longstreet, directing him to 
recall Hood's division from Suffolk, and march it and Pickett's 
division forthwith toward Chancellorsville. The letter did not 
reach Longstreet until May 2nd. At that date, the wagon 
trains of Hood's division were far down on Chowan River, 
thirty miles south of Suffolk, engaged in hauling army sup- 
plies from that section. To withdraw from Suffolk before 
the trains were recalled would have been to subject them to 
capture. Therefore, the investment of Suffolk was continued 
until the 3rd of May, when, the wagons being on the east 
and safe side of Blackwater River, Hood's division withdrew 
to and crossed that stream, and on the 4th set out on its two 
days' march to Petersburg. Early on that day, though, it 
learned that the battle of Chancellorsville had been fought and 
won, and that General Jackson had been mortally wounded. 
Its assistance no longer needed, the speed of its march abated. 
Marching leisurely through Petersburg and Richmond, it 
moved on to Fredericksburg, and after a fortnight's stay in 
that neighborhood, to Verdiersville, in the Wilderness, and 
thence to the Rapidan River, at Raccoon ford. 

The date of the departure of the Texas Brigade from the 
Rapidan is not recalled. On the afternoon of June 18th, it 
camped in timber near the little town of Millwood, on the 
western slope of the Blue Ridge. On the 19th it was ordered 
to Snicker's Gap and took position on the summit of a moun- 
tain where for three days it remained invisible in the clouds 
that enshrouded its camp. On the 23rd it returned to Mill- 
wood, and next day, the 24th, began the march that carried it 
across the Potomac at Williamsport, Md., through Greencas- 
tle, Pa., and on to Chambersburg, Pa. At Williamsport, it 
halted long enough to swallow rations of whisky. Non-im- 
bibing members of the command gave their doles to comrades 
that liked the stuff, and as a result, it was of the breadth, more 
than of the length of the road, that many soldiers that after- 


noon found cause of complaint. " A fellow-feeling makes us 
wondrous kind," it is said, and it was that fellow-feeling, per- 
haps, that made the Texas regimental commanders look with 
indulgent eyes on the disorder which marked the first few 
miles of the march from Williamsport. The commander of 
the Third Arkansas, though, did not appear to be possessed of 
any fellow-feeling, for he found summary cures for the tor- 
tuous locomotion of his men in the cold waters of the various 
little streams crossing the route. 

The Texas Brigade, on the afternon of the 27th, camped 
in a grove of magnificent timber about a mile north of Cham- 
bersburg. Commissary trains were belated, and when long 
after dark they arrived, brought only slender rations of rancid 
bacon and musty flour. In the country roundabout there was 
a superabundance of all kinds of eatables. The Federal sol- 
diers that had marched through Virginia had taken, with the 
strong hand, whatever they wanted from the people down 
there, not even offering to pay in greenbacks. General Lee's 
order strictly prohibited depredations on private property, but 
would there be any violation of that order if Confederate 
soldiers persuaded the good citizens of Pennsylvania to sell 
them provisions and accept in payment therefor Confederate 
money? Surely not. 

There was no violence used, no threats of any kind made by 
any Confederate soldier, and none of the citizens complained 
of having been intimidated and robbed. The greater part of 
the supplies that found their way into camp were paid for in 
Confederate money, the rest were voluntary offerings. Soldiers 
as hungry as were the Confederates could not be expected to 
refuse proffers of food, even when they suspected such proffers 
were made through unwarranted fear of ill-treatment. The 
demanding and the giving were both good-humored; not a 
house was entered save upon invitation, or consent obtained; 
not a woman or child was frightened or insulted, not a build- 
ing was burned, or ransacked for hidden silver and other val- 
uables ; all that was wanted, all that was asked for, all that 
was accepted, was food. And thus it happened that a member 
of the Fourth Texas who came into the camp of the Texas 
Brigade after dark on the 30th of June was able to write as 
follows : 


" Rejoining the brigade late that night, at its camp near 
Chambersburg, and being very tired, I lay down near the 
wagons and went to sleep. Awakened next morning by Col- 
lins' bugle, and walking over to the camp, I witnessed not only 
an unexpected but a wonderful and marvelous sight. Every 
square foot of an acre of ground not occupied by a sleeping 
or standing soldier, was covered with choice food for the 
hungry. Chickens, turkeys, ducks and geese squawked, gob- 
bled, quacked, cackled and hissed in harmonious unison as deft 
and energetic hands seized them for slaughter, and scarcely 
waiting for them to die, sent their feathers flying in all direc- 
tions ; and scattered around in bewildering confusion and grati- 
fying profusion appeared immense loaves of bread and chunks 
of corned beef, hams, and sides of bacon, cheeses, crocks of 
apple-butter, jelly, jam, pickles, and preserves, bowls of yel- 
low butter, demijohns of buttermilk, and other eatables too 
numerous to mention. 

" The sleepers were the foragers of the night, resting from 
their arduous labors — the standing men, their mess-mates who 
remained as camp-guards and were now up to their eyes in 
noise, feathers and grub. Jack Sutherland's head pillowed it- 
self on a loaf of bread, and one arm was wound caressingly 
half-around a juicy-looking ham. Bob Murray, fearful that 
his captives would take to their wings or be purloined, had 
wound the string, which bound half a dozen frying chickens 
around his right big toe ; one of Brahan's widespread legs was 
embraced by two overlapping crocks of apple-butter and jam, 
while a tough old gander, gray with age, squawked complain- 
ingly at his head without in the last disturbing his slumber ; 
Dick Skinner lay flat on his back — with his right hand holding 
to the legs of three fat chickens and a duck, and his left, to 
those of a large turkey — fast asleep and snoring in a rasping 
bass voice that chimed in well with the music of the 

" The scene is utterly indescribable, and I shall make no fur- 
ther attempt to picture it. The hours were devoted exclu- 
sively to gormandizing until, at S p. m., marching orders came, 
and leaving more provisions than they carried, the Texans 
moved lazily and plethorically into line — their destination, 



Coincidentally with the northward march of Longstreet's 
corps from the vicinity of Millwood, Va., General Jeb. Stuart, 
at the head of all the cavalry belonging to the Army of 
Northern Virginia, save the brigades of Robertson and Im- 
boden, began a ride that, whatever its aim and hope, served 
only to detach his command from the army and deny to Gen- 
eral Lee early and accurate information of the movements of 
the Federal army. Not until June 29th did General Lee learn, 
and then only through a scout traveling on foot, that General 
Hooker had led the Union army to the north side of the Po- 
tomac, and was marching it toward Gettysburg. This news 
called for an immediate change of plan. Ewell's corps, then 
far to the north on the march to Harrisburg, the capital of 
Pennsylvania, was recalled, and A. P. Hill's corps was sent 
across South Mountain to Cashtown, a little town on the turn- 
pike leading from Chambersburg to Gettysburg, eight miles 
east of the latter. 

The topographic features of the country around Cashtown 
were peculiarly favorable for a defensive battle, and for draw- 
ing supplies from the fertile Cumberland valley west of South 
Mountain. The presence there of the Confederate army 
threatened not only Washington and Baltimore, but as well, 
Philadelphia, and so seriously, that General Lee could safely 
count on drawing the enemy to his front and thus relieving 
his rear from danger. Therefore, he proposed to concentrate 
his army there, and that he might have ample time for that, 
his express orders both to H'ill and Ewell were, that they 
should not bring on a general engagement until the concen- 
tration was effected. Whether it was Hill that was at fault, 
or General Pettigrew, the commander of a brigade in Heth's 
division, need not be argued, the fact remaining that instead 
of halting at Cashtown, Pettigrew, whose brigade led Hill's 



advance on the 30th of June, moved his command beyond, to- 
ward Gettysburg, in search of shoes for his men. In the 
vicinity of Gettysburg the brigade encountered Buford's Fed- 
eral cavalry, and after a hot skirmish with those troopers, 
hastened back to Cashtown, somewhat the worse for wear. 

Pettigrew's report of the mishap that had befallen his com- 
mand, excited General Hill's curiosity " to discover what was 
in his front," and setting at naught the positive instructions 
of the commander-in-chief, he ordered the divisions of Heth 
and Pender forward, next morning, to Gettysburg. Near the 
town they were confronted not alone by cavalry, but by two 
largely outnumbering corps of Federal infantry. In the en- 
gagement that ensued, the Confederates soon got the worst 
of it, and knowing that Ewell was approaching Cashtown, Hill 
appealed to him for aid. Changing the course of his march, 
Ewell took position north of Gettysburg, nearly at right 
angles to the line occupied by Heth and Pender, and falling 
upon the right flank and rear of the Federals, soon had them 
in rapid and confused retreat. 

Meantime, having ordered Ewell and Hill to Cashtown, Gen- 
eral Lee remained at Chambersburg. There was no need of 
hurry, he thought, and hence, he delayed putting Longstreet's 
corps in motion toward the rendezvous, until the morning of 
July 1st. Even then he ordered only the divisions of Hood 
and McLaws' forward — Pickett's division being left at Cham- 
bersburg, and Law's brigade, of Flood's division, at New Guil- 
ford, to perform services cavalry should have been there to 
undertake. Lee himself rode across the mountain with Long- 
street. He had gone but a few miles when he overtook the 
head of Longstreet's column, and ordered it to halt and await 
the passage of Ewell's fourteen-mile long wagon train and 
the division of infantry, Johnson's, that guarded it. Then he 
and Longstreet rode on up the mountain side, and having 
gained the summit, General Lee, writes a Virginian historian, 
" heard with amazement the noise of the battle which Hill had 
begun that day at Gettysburg, at sunrise ; for his express or- 
ders had been, both to Hill and to Ewell, that they should not 
bring on a general engagement until after the concentration 
of his army at Cashtown, and now Hill was engaged, at the 
very beginning of the day, in hot contention eight miles away 


from Lee's selected defensive position where ' the strength of 
the hills ' would have been his, in the open country about 
Gettysburg, where mere numbers would have greatly the ad- 
vantage in an engagement." 

It was not amazement alone that Lee must have felt — it 
was also indignation and apprehension. It was a grave and 
unique situation for the commander of an army, to be in an 
enemy's territory without cavalry at hand — his positive orders 
disobeyed, two corps of his army, Hill's and Ewell's, out of 
place, and the other, Longstreet's, neither in place nor near 
enough to be available either as an attacking or reserve force, 
a fierce battle in progress miles distant from where he had 
planned it, and himself without more information as to the 
whereabouts and movements of the enemy than had been se- 
cured, two days ago, from a scout who traveled on foot. It is 
but natural that, taking it for granted, the battle had been 
forced on Hill and Ewell, resolved to make the best of it, 
knowing his imperative and immediate need of correct infor- 
mation concerning the enemy, and remembering that he had 
enjoined upon his cavalry chief to keep constantly in touch 
with his right wing, his first expression should be of wonder 
where Stuart was, of fear that he had met with disaster. 

General Lee reached Cashtown shortly before noon, and 
there awaited reports from the battle-field. A call for assist- 
ance came from Hill, and Lee rode rapidly on to Gettysburg, 
arriving there in time to witness Ewell's advance, the driving of 
the Federals through the streets of the town, and the capture 
of about 5000 prisoners — the beginning of a struggle which, 
continued with spirit and determination that day, would have 
secured for the Confederate army the identical position south 
of the town that was that night and early next day occupied 
by the Union army. Observing the confusion of the enemy 
as they broke into retreat from this and that point, and aware 
of the importance of seizing upon Cemetery Ridge and Gulp's 
Hill before General Meade, then in command of the Federals, 
could arrive with his main army, Lee ordered Ewell to " press 
these people, and secure the hill if possible." 

But neither the ridge nor the hill was secured. Early and 
Ewell each called on Hill for support, and Hill would assist 
neither. All that General Lee could do was to urge Long- 


street to hurry forward the divisions of Hood and McLaws, 
neither of which was at that hour — 5 p. m. — within ten miles 
of the scene of contention, and again say to Ewell that he 
would support his advance as soon as he could, and that he 
wished Ewell to use whatever opportunity he had to advance 
and hold the ground in his front. Early pushed his men for- 
ward; Ewell delayed to re-form his lines on the left of Early; 
Early's command, Gordon's brigade leading, had the enemy 
again on the run. At that moment, when Confederate victory 
needed but a last rush forward to clinch it, Early halted Gor- 
don's brigade, and although, as he confesses in his official 
report, he had no faith in a report that a large force of the 
enemy was advancing on the York Road, ordered it to march 
to the relief of General Smith, then far back in the rear. The 
pursuit by other troops at once halted — Ewell desiring to 
have Gordon's brigade on the firing line, and to have Johnson's 
division, then guarding Ewell's wagon train, on the ground 
to extend his line to the eastward, scale Gulp's Hill and turn the 
Federal right. It was after sundown when Johnson's division 
came on the field, and too late for another advance. But for 
the untimely and absolutely unnecessary withdrawal of Gor- 
don's brigade, success must have crowned the efforts of the 
day, and Lee must have won the heights of Gettysburg. As 
it was, at nightfall of July 1st, the Federal army held Ceme- 
tery Ridge and Culp's Hill, and these advantages more than 
counterbalanced its losses during the day. 

After nightfall of July 1 General Lee conferred with Gen- 
erals Ewell, Early and Rodes. To his proposal that Ewell 
attack the enemy at daylight next morning, that officer de- 
murred, saying it would be better to make a gradual approach 
on the Federal position for the westward. After a moment's 
thought, Lee said : " Perhaps I had better draw you aroun.d 
to my right, as the line will be very long and thin if you re- 
main here, and the enemy may come down and break through 
it." But while advising the approach from the westward, 
Ewell was not willing to make it, and when he declared that he 
could not only hold the ground then in his possession but 
could also, next morning, capture Culp's Hill, Lee began to 
consider the advisability of making an attack on the enemy's 
left from the westward, simultaneous with that of Ewell on 


his right, and finally observed : " Well, if I attack the enemy's 
left, Longstreet will have to make the attack." Then he 
added, musingly : " Longstreet is a very good fighter when 
he gets in position and gets everything ready, but he is so 

Following this conference, Lee had another with Hill and 
Longstreet. The latter urged the withdrawal of the army 
from before Gettysburg and the placing of it between Meade's 
army and Washington, thus forcing the Federal commander 
to offer battle or expose the capital city of the Union to 
speedy capture. This was an enlargement of Lee's sugges- 
tion that Ewell should move around to the right. Relying, 
however, on Ewell's promise and assurance that on the morrow 
he would capture Culp's Hill, and arguing it unsafe, in the 
absence of Stuart and his cavalry, to march eastward, Gen- 
eral Lee decided against Longstreet's contention, and resolving 
to make a contemporaneous attack on both flanks of the 
enemy, ordered Longstreet to bring up his two divisions then 
on the way as quickly as possible, and next day, at as early an 
hour as practicable, assault the Federal left. 

The truth is, that while he was a great general, a pro- 
found and wily strategist, a consummate master of the art of 
war, Robert E. Lee, the commander of the Army of Northern 
Virginia, was in temperament a game cock. The mere pres- 
ence of an enemy aroused his pugnacity, and was a challenge 
he found it hard to decline, and at Gettysburg, impossible. 
In his official report of the battle of Gettysburg, he says : 
" It had not been intended to deliver a general battle so far 
from our base unless attacked. Rut coming unexpectedly 
upon the whole Federal army, to withdraw through the moun- 
tains with our extensive trains would have been difficult and 
dangerous." Acting in direct disobedience to the orders he 
had received, Hill and Ewell had brought on a general engage- 
ment ; it was fairly in progress ; the pugnacity inherited from 
a long line of fighting ancestors thrilled the nerves of the Con- 
federate commander and dominated an ordinarily cool judg- 
ment ; the enemy invited and challenged a contest, and contest 
he should have. 

Hood's division, Law's Brigade excepted, said a regretful 
good-by to its camp near Chamber sburg, at 2 p. m. of July 1, 


and, falling behind McLaws' already moving division, began 
the march across South Mountain to Gettysburg — the Texas 
Brigade, too heavily burdened, inside and out, with the extra 
rations supplied by the citizenship of the country to make 
active exercise a pleasure, but still able to keep going. But 
a short distance was covered, when from an intersecting road 
Ewell's long wagon-train, under protection of Johnson's divi- 
sion, came into the Chambersburg and Gettysburg turnpike, 
ahead of McLaws' leading regiment. Just then General Lee 
and General Longstreet rode up, and, aware of the confu- 
sion and delay sure to result should the train and two columns 
of infantry attempt to move, side by side, along the turnpike, 
General Lee, himself, ordered McLaws to halt his column and 
await the passage of the train and its guard. 

Four hours, at least, were consumed by this delay. The 
length of the train, guess-work, neither division, brigade, nor 
regimental commanders could say when the way would be 
clear, and we could only wait, sitting and standing by the 
roadside. And when, finally, we began to move on in the wake 
of the last wagon, it was to go a hundred yards or so, and 
then stop and stand still, not daring to sit down, for five, ten 
or twenty minutes at a time. Nothing is so wearing on in- 
fantry as such halting progress, and when, at % a. m. of July 
2, near Cashtown, the Texas Brigade was allowed to rest 
secure from interruption, the boys lost no time in divesting 
themselves of their accouterments, stretching themselves out 
on the bare ground and falling asleep. 

At 4 p. m. the men of the Texas Brigade were awakened 
from their deep slumber, and within ten minutes were on their 
way to Gettysburg. Falling into a swinging route step, they 
made the distance without a halt, arriving near the head- 
quarters of General Lee, on Seminary Ridge, not later than 
an hour after sunrise. Held here for perhaps an hour and a 
half, they then moved a mile or more to the south and east, 
into a little valley where water and fuel were easily accessible. 
Here they were notified that rations would be issued as soon 
as the commissary wagons could be brought up, and as about 
that time the skillet wagon drove up and unloaded each regi- 
ment's share of cooking utensils, fires were built and skillet lids 
put on to heat, preparatory to cooking the flour that was to 


be issued. While his comrades attended to culinary affairs, 
Ferdinand Hahn, of the Fourth Texas, strolled to the top of 
a nearby elevation, and edged up as near as he dared to a 
group of general officers and their staffs. Among the gen- 
erals were Longstreet, Hood, and Lee, with each of whom he 
had a personal acquaintance acquired prior to the war, while 
he was a clerk at the Menger Hotel in San Antonio, and they 
its guests. He remained in hearing distance of the group, 
probably, half an hour. Returning then to his company, he 

" You might as well quit bothering with those skillet lids, 
boys — it'll not be twenty minutes before we are on the move 

"What have you heard, H'ahn — what have you heard?" a 
dozen voices eagerly inquired. 

" Only this," he replied . " I got up pretty close to General 
Lee, and old Longstreet and Hood, a while ago, and while I 
stood there, an officer rode up, and adressing General Lee, re- 
ported that the Yankees were moving troops on to Round Top. 
General Lee at once turned his glasses in that direction, and 
after looking through them a minute or two, said : ' Ah, well, 
that was to be expected. But General Meade might as well 
have saved himself the trouble, for we'll have it in our pos- 
session before night.' That means, of course, that we'll have 
to take it, and to do it, we'll have to move from here as soon 
as Hood can send orders." 

Sure enough, not ten minutes elapsed before the brigade was 
called to attention and marched toward the position from 
which, later, it advanced against Round Top — not six hours 
had passed before it was fighting, its men bleeding and dying, 
in the rocky fastnesses of Devil's Den and under the lofty, pre- 
cipitous cliffs that guarded the approach from the west to the 
crest of Cemetery Ridge and the Round Tops. 

The movement now made was but preparatory. While still 
adhering to his resolve to deliver battle, General Lee had not 
yet decided from what line Longstreet's troops should advance. 
If at this hour he betrayed anger and disappointment, it was 
not at the failure of Longstreet's command to be up sooner — 
it was because of Ewell's failure to seize Culp's Hill, or even to 
attack the Federals there with promising vigor: if he mani- 


fested anxiety and impatience, it was not due to the slowness 
and deliberation with which Longstreet moved his troops, for 
this he had expected — it was due to the delay of the officers 
he had sent out, at daylight, to reconnoiter the ground. Not 
until they reported to him, which was close on to mid-day, did 
he announce his plan to Longstreet. Previous to that time, 
though, he himself rode to his left wing and instructed Hill and 
Ewell to lead their commands forward as soon as they heard 
Longstreet's guns open. 

In this connection the testimony of Longstreet is relevant. 
In his book, " From Manassas to Appomattox," he says : 

" It was some little time after General Lee's return from 
his ride to the left before he received the reports of the recon- 
noissance ordered from his center to his right. His mind, pre- 
viously settled to the purpose to fight where the enemy stood, 
now accepted the explicit plan of making the opening on his 
right, and to have the engagement general." 

The following excerpt from " Confederate Military His- 
tory " is also relevant. The incident related occurred at the 
time General Lee was instructing Longstreet and his division 
commanders concerning their movements : 

" Lee pointed out to McLaws, on the map, the position on 
the Emmitsburg road, at right angles to that near the peach 
orchard, that he desired him to occupy, telling him to gain 
that, if possible, without being seen by the enemy. Long- 
street interposed, directing McLaws to place his line parallel 
to the turnpike. Lee promptly made reply : ' No, General, 
no : I want his position perpendicular to the Emmitsburg road,' 
thus clearly indicating his design to move squarely upon the 
Federal left." 

To enable the reader to understand the relative positions of 
the two contending armies on July 2, 1863, an attempt at 
description is necessary. Cemetery Ridge, occupied that day 
by the Federal army, runs first northward, then, with a sharp 
curve, eastward, and then, again bending, southward for a 
short distance. In shape, it is not unlike a fish-hook — Round 


Top Mountain at the southern end of the stem — Little Round 
Top half a mile further north — Cemetery Hill in the bend — 
the town of Gettysburg in a valley, a mile north of Cemetery 
Hill — Gulp's Hill at the barb of the hook. From Little Round 
Top to Cemetery Hill is barely three miles, while from Gulp's 
Hill — at the barb of the hook — measuring straight across the 
curve is scarcely a half mile. Owing to the curvature at the 
end of the hook of the Federal line, that line was scant three 
miles long, and no part of it was over an hour's march from 
another. In half an hour, the Federals could concentrate two- 
thirds of their entire force at any given point on it. 

About a mile west of Cemetery Ridge, running parallel with 
it but extending further northward, lies Seminary Ridge. On 
July 9. the Confederate line stretched along the crest of Sem- 
inary Ridge, from a point opposite Round Top to another 
opposite the town of Gettysburg: here turning eastward, it 
followed around the curve of Cemetery Ridge, and, bending 
with that curve to the southward, terminated at a point oppo- 
site and east of Gulp's Hill — its shape being also much like 
that of a fish-hook. Because of its length — seven miles, at the 
least — and because, also, there could be no cutting across 
bends, it would have required hours for the Confederates to 
concentrate a heavy force at any given point. 

Culp's Hill dominated Cemetery Hill and the ridge to the 
south as completely as did either of the Round Tops. That 
in the possession of the Confederates, the Federal position 
would have been untenable. Aware of this, of how easily the 
Federals could concentrate, and of how difficult concentration 
would be to the Confederates, General Lee planned for a simul- 
taneous assault by all of his troops. If at all points of their 
line the Union troops were kept busy repelling attack, success 
would depend on pluck and endurance, and not simply on po- 
sition and numbers. Assailed at all points with the vigor and 
determination characteristic of the Army of Northern Vir- 
ginia, the elect of which was then at hand " to do or die," the 
facilities of the enemy for rapid shifting of forces would be of 
small avail. 

The Federal commander intended, and so ordered, that his 
lines should be formed along the crest of Cemetery Ridge, 
north of Round Top. But mistaking a wooded hill, west of 


the crest a short distance, for the main ridge, the Federal Gen- 
eral Sickles took position on that, slightly in rear of the peach 
orchard, the position McLaws was enjoined by General Lee 
to gain. To connect with Hancock on his right, and to rest 
his left on Round Top, Sickles faced Birney's division south- 
westward, Humphrey's northwestward. The Emmitsburg road 
ran southwest from the town of Gettysburg, diagonally across 
the valley between Cemetery and Seminary ridges. It skirted 
the base of Cemetery Hill and passed just west of the peach 
orchard. This orchard is northwest and nearly a mile from 
Little Round Top. Between it and the mountain, and beyond 
a skirt of timber, was a wheat field. South of the wheat field, 
and in the space between the two little branches that form 
what is known as Plum Run, and which come together at a 
point about opposite the center of the depression between the 
Round Tops, is Devil's Den. Beneath its tall timber, and be- 
tween the abundance of large, irregularly-shaped boulders that 
covered fully half its surface, grew an almost impenetrable 
thicket of shrubs, vines, and small timber. East of it rose 
the frowning, precipitous cliffs which marked the western 
boundary of Cemetery Ridge, and which extended along the 
west bases of the two Round Tops. The slope of Round Top 
to the south, although rough, was not precipitous, and the 
ground south of that mountain was comparatively open and 

In preparation for the battle of the 2d, Hill was ordered to 
extend his line further to the right, Anderson's division being 
chosen for the purpose. This division met such opposition 
from the Federals that it was not until 1 p. m. that it got 
into position. In the meantime Law's brigade joined its divi- 
sion, Hood's. Anderson's division in line of battle, General 
Pendleton was ordered by General Lee to conduct Longstreet's 
command to its position by a route concealed from the enemy. 
McLaws' division was to form on the right of Anderson's — 
Hood's on the right of McLaws'. In the effort to conceal the 
movement much time was occupied, and it was 3 p. m. before 
the troops were in position. 

General Hood made no official report of the operations of 
his division at Gettysburg. June 28, 1875, though, he for- 
warded an account of them to General Longstreet — the ac- 


count embracing all that was done up to the time he (Hood) 
was wounded. The letter containing the account was pub- 
lished by Hood in his book, " Advance and Retreat," begin- 
ning on page 55. He says: 


" Whilst lying in camp, not far distant from Chambersburg, 
information was received that Ewell and Hill were about to 
come in contact with the enemy near Gettysburg. My troops, 
together with McLaws' division, were put in motion upon the 
most direct road to that point, which, after a hard march, we 
reached before, or at sunrise on the 2nd of July. So imper- 
ative had been the orders to hasten forward with all possible 
speed, that on the march my troops were allowed to halt and 
rest only about two hours, during the night from the 1st to 
the 2nd of July. 

" I arrived with my staff in front of the heights of Gettys- 
burg shortly after daybreak, as I have already stated, on the 
morning of the 2nd of July. My division soon commenced 
filing into an open field near me, where the troops were allowed 
to stack arms and rest until further orders. A short distance 
in advance of this point, and during the early part of the 
same morning, we were both engaged, in company with Gen- 
erals Lee and A. P. Hill, in observing the position of the Fed- 
erals. General Lee — with coat buttoned to the throat, saber- 
belt buckled around the waist, and field-glasses pending at his 
side — walked up and down in the shade of the large trees near 
us, halting now and then to observe the enemy. He seemed 
full of hope, yet, at times, buried in deep thought. Colonel 
Freemantle, of England, was ensconced in the forks of a tree, 
not far off, with glass in constant use, examining the lofty 
position of the Federal army. 

" General Lee was, seemingly, anxious you should attack 
that morning. He remarked to me : ' The enemy is here, and 
if we do not whip him, he will whip us.' You thought it bet- 
ter to await the arrival of Pickett's division — at that time still 
in the rear — in order to make the attack ; and you said to me, 
subsequently, whilst we were seated together near the trunk of 
a tree : ' The General is a little nervous, this morning ; he 
wishes me to attack: I do not wish to do so without Pickett. 
I never like to go into battle with one boot off.' 


" Thus passed the forenoon of that eventful day, when in 
the afternoon — about 3 o'clock — it was decided to no longer 
await Pickett's division, but to proceed to our extreme right 
and attack up the Emmitsburg road. McLaws moved off, and 
I followed with my division. In a short time I was ordered 
to quicken the march of my troops, and to pass to the front 
of McLaws. 

" This movement was accomplished by throwing out an ad- 
vanced force to tear down fences and clear the way. The in- 
structions I received were to place my division across the Em- 
mitsburg road, form line of battle, and attack. Before reach- 
ing this road, however, I had sent forward some of my picked 
Texas scouts to ascertain the position of the enemy's extreme 
left flank. They soon reported to me that it rested upon 
Round Top Mountain : that the country was open, and that I 
could march through an open woodland pasture around Round 
Top, and assault the enemy in flank and rear: that their wagon 
trains were parked in rear of their line, and were badly ex- 
posed to our attack in that direction. As soon as I arrived 
upon the Emmitsburg road, I placed one or two batteries in 
position and opened fire. A reply from the enemy's guns soon 
developed his lines. His left rested on or near Round Top, 
with line bending back and again forward, forming, as it were, 
a concave line, as approached by the Emmitsburg road. A 
considerable body of troops was posted in front of their main 
line, between the Emmitsburg road and Round Top Mountain. 
This force was in line of battle upon an eminence near a peach 

" I found that in making the attack according to orders, 
viz., up the Emmitsburg road, I should have first to encounter 
and drive off this advanced line of battle ; secondly, at the 
base and along the slope of the mountain, to confront immense 
boulders of stone, so massed together as to form narrow open- 
ings, which would break our ranks and cause the men to scat- 
ter whilst climbing up the rocky precipice. I found, moreover, 
that my division would be exposed to a heavy fire from the main 
line of the enemy in position on the crest of the high range, of 
which Round Top was the extreme left, and, by reason of the 
concavity of the enemy's main line, that we would be subject to 
a destructive fire in flank and rear, as well as in front: and 


deemed it almost an impossibility to clamber along the boul- 
ders up this steep and rugged mountain, and, under this num- 
ber of cross fires, put the enemy to flight. I knew that if the 
feat was accomplished, it must be at a most fearful sacri- 
fice of as brave and gallant soldiers as ever engaged in 

" The reconnoissance of my Texas scouts and the develop- 
ment of the Federal lines were effected in a very short space 
of time; in truth, shorter than I have taken to recall and jot 
down these facts, although the scenes and events of that day 
are as clear to my mind as if the great battle had been fought 
yesterday. I was in possession of these important facts so 
shortly after reaching the Emmitsburg road, that I consid- 
ered it my duty to report to you, at once, my opinion that it 
was unwise to attack up the Emmitsburg road, as ordered, and 
to urge that you allow me to turn Round Top, and attack 
the enemy in flank and rear. Accordingly, I dispatched a 
staff officer, bearing to you my request to be allowed to make 
the proposed movement on account of the above stated reasons. 
Your reply was quickly received : ' General Lee's orders are 
to attack up the Emmitsburg road.' I sent another officer to 
say that I feared nothing could be accomplished by such an 
attack, and renewed my request to turn Round Top. Again 
your answer was, i General Lee's orders are to attack up the 
Emmitsburg road.' During this interim I had continued to 
use the batteries upon the enemy, and had become more and 
more convinced that the Federal line extended to Round Top, 
and that I could not reasonably hope to accomplish much by 
the attack as ordered. In fact, it seemed to me that the 
enemy occupied a position by nature so strong — I may say 
impregnable — that, independently of their flank fire, they 
could easily repel our attack by merely throwing and rolling 
stones down the mountain side as we approached. 

" A third time I dispatched one of my staff to explain fully 
in regard to the situation, and suggest that you had better 
come and look for yourself. I selected, in this instance, my 
adjutant-general, Colonel Llarry Sellers, whom you know to 
be not only an officer of great courage, but also of marked 
ability. Colonel Sellers returned with the same message, 
4 General Lee's orders are to attack up the Emmitsburg road.' 


Almost simultaneously, Colonel Fairfax, of your staff, rode 
up and repeated the above orders. 

" After this urgent protest against entering the battle of 
Gettysburg according to instructions — which protest is the 
first and only one I ever made during my entire military ca- 
reer — I ordered my line to advance and make the assault. 

" As my troops were moving forward, you rode up in per- 
son ; a brief conversation passed between us, during which I 
again expressed the fears above mentioned, and regret at not 
being allowed to attack in flank around Round Top. You 
answered to this effect : 6 We must obey the orders of Gen- 
eral Lee.' I then rode forward with my line, under a heavy 
fire. In about twenty minutes, after reaching the peach or- 
chard, I was severely wounded in the arm, and borne from the 

" With this wound terminated my participation in this great 
battle. As I was borne off on a litter to the rear, I could but 
experience deep distress of mind and heart at the thought of 
the inevitable fate of my brave fellow-soldiers, who formed one 
of the grandest divisions of that world-renowned army ; and I 
shall ever believe that had I been permitted to turn Round 
Top Mountain, we would not only have gained that position, 
but have been able finally to rout the enemy." 

General J. B. Robertson, commanding the Texas Brigade, 
says in his official report: 

The division arrived on the ground in front of the position of 
the enemy that we were to attack hut a few minutes before we 
were ordered to advance. I therefore got hut a glance at the 
field on which we had to operate before we entered it. I was or- 
dered to keep my right well closed on Brigadier-General Law's 
left, and to let my left rest on the Emmitsburg pike. I had ad- 
vanced but a short distance when I discovered that my brigade 
would not fill the space between General Law's left and the pike 
named, and that I must leave the pike, or disconnect myself from 
General Law on my right. Understanding before the action com- 
menced that the attack on our part was to be general, and that 
the force of General McLaws was to advance simultaneously with 
us on my immediate left, seeing at once that a mountain held by 
the enemy in heavy force with artillery to the right of General 


Law's center was the key to the enemy's left, I abandoned the 
pike, and closed on General Law's left. This caused a separa- 
tion of my regiments, which was remedied as promptly as the 
numerous stone and rail fences would allow. 

As we advanced through this field, for half a mile we were 
exposed to a heavy and destructive fire of canister, grape, and 
shell from six pieces of their artillery on the mountain alluded to, 
and the same number on a commanding hill but a short distance to 
the left of the mountain, and from the enemy's sharpshooters from 
behind the numerous rocks, fences and houses in the field. 

As we approached the base of the mountain, General Law moved 
to the right, and I was moving obliquely to the right to close on 
him, when my whole line encountered the fire of the enemy's main 
line, posted behind rocks and a stone fence. The Fourth and 
Fifth Texas Regiments, under the direction of their gallant com- 
manders (Colonels Powell and Key), while returning the fire and 
driving the enemy before them, continued to close on General 
Law to their right. At the same time, the First Texas and Third 
Arkansas, under their gallant commanders (Lieutenant-Colonel 
(P. A.) Work and Colonel Manning), were hotly engaged with a 
greatly superior force, while at the same time a heavy force ap- 
peared and opened fire on Colonel Manning's left, seriously threat- 
ening his left flank, to meet which he threw two or three com- 
panies with their front to his left flank, and protected his left. 

On discovering this heavy force on my left flank, and seeing 
that no attack was being made by any of our forces on my left, I 
at once sent a courier to Major-General Hood, stating that I was 
hard pressed on my left; that General McLaws' forces were not 
engaging the enemy to my left (which enabled him to move fresh 
troops from that part of his line down on me), and that I must 
have reinforcements. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Work, with the First Texas Regiment, hav- 
ing pressed forward to the crest of the hill and driven the enemy 
from his battery, I ordered him to the left, to the relief and 
support of Colonel Manning, directing Major (F. S.) Bass, with 
two companies, to hold the hill, while Colonel Work with the rest 
of the regiment went to Colonel Manning's relief. With his as- 
sistance, Colonel Manning drove the enemy back, and entered the 
woods after him, when the enemy reoccupied the hill and his bat- 
teries in Colonel Work's front, from which Colonel Work again 
drove him. 

For an hour and upward these two regiments maintained one 
of the hottest contests, against five or six times their number, that 
I have witnessed. The moving of Colonel Work to the left, to 


relieve Colonel Manning while the Fourth and Fifth Texas were 
closing to the right on General Law's brigade, separated these two 
regiments from the others. They were steadily moving to the 
front and right, driving the enemy before them, when they passed 
the woods or ravine to my right. After finding that I could not 
move the First and Third to the right to join them, I sent to re- 
call them, ordering them to move to the left until the left of the 
Fourth should rest on the right of the First; but my messenger 
found two of General Law's regiments on the left of my two (the 
Fourth and FiJ»ji Texas), and did not find these regiments at all. 

About this j&jne my aide, Lieutenant Scott, reported my two 
regiments (th| fFourth and Fifth Texas) in the center of Gen- 
eral Law's U fe a <3e, and that they could not be moved without 
greatly injuring the line. I sent a request to General Law to 
look to them. 

At this point, my assistant and inspector-general reported from 
the Fourth and Fifth that they were hotly engaged, and wanted 
reinforcements. My courier, sent to General Hood, returned, and 
reported him wounded and carried from the field. I sent a mes- 
senger to Lieutenant-General Longstreet for reinforcements, and 
at the same time sent to Generals (George T.) Anderson and Ben- 
ning, urging them to hurry up to my support. They came up, 
joined us, and fought gallantly; but as fast as we would break 
one line of the enemy, another fresh one would present itself, the 
enemy reinforcing his lines in our front from his reserves at the 
base of the mountain to our right and front, and from his lines 
to our right and front, and from his lines to our left. Having 
no attack from us in his front, he threw his forces from there 
on us. 

Before the arrivals of Generals Benning and Anderson, Col. 
J. C. Key, who gallantly led the Fourth Texas, up to the time 
of receiving a severe wound, passed me, being led to the rear. 
About the same time, I learned of the fall and dangerous wound- 
ing of Col. R. M. Powell, of the Fifth, who fell while gallantly 
leading his regiment in one of the impetuous charges of the 
Fourth and Fifth Texas on the strongly fortified mountain. 

Just after the arrival of General Anderson on my left, I learned 
that the gallant Col. Van H. Manning, of the Third Arkansas, 
had been wounded and carried from the field, and about the same 
time, I received intelligence of the wounding and being carried 
from the field of those two able and efficient officers, Lieut. Cols. 
K. Bryan, of the Fifth, and B. F. Carter, of the Fourth, both 
of whom were wounded while bravely discharging their duty. 

Cor.ONKiv R. M. PowKUv 
Fifth Texas Regiment 



Captain (J. R.) Woodward, acting major of the First Texas, was 
wounded near me while gallantly discharging his duty. 

The Fourth and Fifth Texas, under the command of Majors 
(J. P.) Bane and (J. C.) Rogers, continued to hold the ground 
of their original line, leaving the space over which they had made 
their successive charges strewn with their dead and wounded com- 
rades, many of whom could not be removed, and were left on the 
field. The First Texas, under Lieutenant-Colonel Work, with a 
portion of Benning's brigade, held the field and batteries taken by 
the First Texas. Three of the guns were brought off the field 
and secured, the other three, from the nature of the ground and 
their proximity to the enemy, were left. The Third Arkansas, 
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel (R. S.) Taylor, ably 
assisted by Major (J. W.) Reedy, after Colonel Manning was 
borne from the field, sustained well the high character it made 
in the earlier part of the action. 

When night closed the conflict, late in the evening, I was 
struck above the knee, which deprived me of the use of my leg, 
and prevented me from getting about the field. I retired some 
200 yards to the rear, leaving the immediate command with Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Work, the senior officer present, under whose su- 
pervision our wounded were brought out, our guns secured, and 
our dead on that part of the field, buried. 

About 2 o'clock that night, the First Texas and Third Arkansas 
were moved by the right to the position occupied by the Fourth 
and Fifth, and formed on their left, where the brigade remained 
during the day of the 3rd, keeping up a continuous skirmishing 
with the enemy's sharpshooters, in which we had a number of our 
men severely wounded. I sent my assistant adjutant-general, 
Capt. F. L. Price, at daybreak to examine the position of the 
brigade, and report to me as soon as he could, and, while in the 
discharge of that duty, he was either killed or fell into the hands 
of the enemy, as he has not been seen or heard of since. 

About dark on the evening of the 3rd, the brigade, with the divi- 
sion, fell back to the hill, and formed in line, where it remained 
during the 4th. 

In this, the hardest fought battle of the war, in which I have 
been engaged, all, both men and officers, as far as my observa- 
tion extended, fully sustained the high character they have here- 
tofore made. Where all behaved so nobly, individual distinction 
cannot with propriety be made. 


Gettysburg — (Continued) 

To know what a battle is, one must be in the thick of it — 
must one's self feel the consciousness of danger, the stern re- 
solve to brave that danger, and the delight of giving play to 
that instinct of the human being to kill and destroy whoever 
and whatever bars his way. It is not like coming face to face 
with " the grim monster, Death," by accident, or under the 
impulse which bids one to do all he may to save the life of 
another, for in neither of these cases is the risk taken delib- 
erately as the soldier takes that assumed when he moves for- 
ward to the firing line. 

Hitherto, the Texans had fought on ground over which 
they could move rapidly in line, and where the enemy was ac- 
cessible — where the terror caused by their daring rush and 
swift on-coming counted large. Here at Gettysburg the foe 
lay concealed behind stone fences at the base of the ridge and 
mountains, or flat on the ground on the crest of ridge or 
mountain. If, when the line of Federals under General Sickles 
was routed, the Texans obeyed orders and held their left on 
the Emmitsburg road, thus moving up the valley between the 
road and Cemetery Ridge, the enemy's fire came down their 
line from right to left, from one flank to the other; if, obeying 
the natural impulse to face the Federals opposing them, they 
disobeyed orders and moved toward and against these, they 
went into a bend of the Federal line, and subjected themselves 
to a fire from both artillery and musketry, from the front and 
on both flanks. 

Either movement was a forlorn hope, and desperate ; neither 
offered immunity from annihilation — neither promised success. 
But while such volunteer soldiers as the Texans and Arkan- 
sans, while in camp or on the march, willingly obeyed such 
orders as were given, when they came in contact with the en- 
emy, and the fight was on and their blood grew warm, each 
man of them fought " for his own hand," and in his own way. 



General Robertson's orders were to keep the left flank of the 
brigade on the Emmitsburg road, and its right flank in touch 
with the left of Law's brigade. The distance from the road to 
Law's left made this impracticable. Law's brigade soon found 
that by moving north, up the Emmitsburg road, it would have 
the enemy on its right flank ; therefore, it abandoned the effort, 
and, facing to the east, began an attack on the enemy posted 
at the base and on the crests of Cemetery Ridge and the 
Round Top, thus leaving the right flank of the Fifth Texas, 
if it continued its advance northward, exposed to a flank fire. 
Noting this, and also fearing that if it continued northward, 
the enemy would drop down on its rear, between it and Law's 
brigade, the Fifth Texas also faced east, and the Fourth Texas 
followed its lead. 

The Third Arkansas, however, as will be seen from Colonel 
Manning's report, hereafter given, clung to the Emmitsburg 
road, and the First Texas stayed with it. Of the movements 
of the First Texas, we will let a private, James O. Bradfield, 
of Company E of that regiment, speak in advance of its com- 
mander. The incidents that make a battle memorable and are 
most thrilling are seldom mentioned and never narrated in de- 
tail by field officers of a regiment. 

" Hood's division held the right flank of our army. 
We began forming our line of battle on a wide plateau leading 
back to the rear, while in front about 200 yards distant was 
a skirt of timber on the brow of a hill which led down to the 
valley below. In this timber, our batteries were posted, and as 
the Texas Brigade was forming immediately in their rear, we 
were in direct range of the enemy's guns on the mountain 
beyond. As our artillery began feeling for their batteries, the 
answering shells struck our lines with cruel effect. The Fourth 
Texas suffered most severely. As they were passing this zone 
of fire, one shell killed and wounded fifteen men. It certainly 
tries a man's nerve to have to stand still and receive such a 
fire without being able to return it. 

" Just here occurred one of the little incidents that, hap- 
pening at times like this, are never forgotten. In our com- 
pany was a tall, robust young fellow named Dick Childers, 
who was noted for the energy and talent he displayed in pro- 


curing rations. On this occasion Dick's haversack was well 
stocked with nice biscuits which a kind Dutch lady had given 
him. As we were marching by the right flank, our left sides 
were turned towards the enemy. A shell from the mountain 
in front struck the ground near our batteries, and came 
bouncing along across the field, and as Dick happened to be 
just in the line of fire, it struck him, or rather, his haversack, 
fairly, and scattered biscuits all over that end of Pennsyl- 
vania. But the strange part of it is, that it did not knock 
the man down, but so paralyzed him that he fell, after it had 
passed, and lay there unable to move a muscle. The litter 
bearers picked him up and laid him on a stretcher, as if he had 
been a log. The boys all contended, however, that it was the 
destruction of Dick's rations, and not any shock the shell gave, 
that paralyzed him. 

" We marched onward by the right flank, about a quarter 
of a mile, moving parallel with the enemy's lines, and halting, 
left-faced and formed for work. We were on the brow of a 
hill which here sloped quite abruptly down into the narrow 
valley. We could see the enemy's lines of battle — the first on 
the level space below us, behind a heavy rock fence ; the sec- 
ond, at the top of a ridge a hundred or two yards further on, 
while still further, and entirely out of our reach, at the sum- 
mit of the higher range, their batteries were posted so as to 
sweep the whole space over which we were to advance. Their 
battle flags floated proudly in the breeze, above the almost 
perfect natural breastworks formed by the fence and the large 
rocks that crowned the low ridge upon which they stood. 
There were but two small cannon on the lower ridge, and these 
were captured and pulled off the hill by the First Texas regi- 

" About 2 o'clock in the afternoon, the order was given to 
advance all along the line. We moved quietly forward down 
the steep decline, gaining impetus as we reached the more level 
ground below. The enemy had already opened fire on us, but 
we did not stop to return it. ' Forward — double quick,' rang 
out, and then Texas turned loose. Across the valley and over 
the little stream that ran through it, they swept, every man 
for himself. The first man down was my right file man, Wil- 
liam Langley, a noble, brave boy, with a minie-ball straight 


through the brain. I caught him as he fell against me, and 
laid him down, dead. As I straightened up to move on, that 
same familiar ' spat ' which always means something, sounded 
near, and looking around, I saw Bose Perry double over and 
catch on his gun. He did not fall, however, but came on, 
dragging his wounded leg, and firing as he advanced. But it 
was getting too hot, now, to pay attention to details. 

" The enemy stood their ground bravely, until we were close 
on them, but did not await the bayonet. They broke away 
from the rock fence as we closed in with a rush and a wild 
rebel yell, and fell back to the top of the ridge, where they 
halted and formed on their second line. Having passed the 
rock fence, and as we were moving on up the hill, an order 
came to halt. No one seemed to know whence it came, nor 
from whom. It cost us dearly, for as we lay in close range 
of their now double lines, the enemy poured a hail of bullets 
on us, and in a few minutes a number of our men were killed 
or wounded. We saw that this would never do, and so, with- 
out awaiting orders, every man became his own commander 
and sprang forward toward the top of the hill at full speed. 

" By this time, Benning's brigade, which had been held in 
reserve, joined us and together we swept on to where the Blue 
Coats stood behind the sheltering rocks to receive us. Just 
here, and to our right, in a little cove called the ' Devil's 
Den,' which was covered by the Fourth and Fifth Texas, 
Law's Alabama and Anderson's Georgia brigades, occurred 
one of the wildest, fiercest struggles of the war — a struggle 
such as it is given to few men to pass through and live. 

" The opposing lines stood with only the sheltering rocks 
between them — breast to breast, and so close that the clothing 
of many of the enemy was set on fire by the blaze from the 
Confederate rifles. This continued for some time, but finally, 
our fire grew so hot that brave as they were, the Federals 
could no longer endure it, but gave way and fled down the 
slope, leaving us in possession of the field. The Lone Star 
flag crowned the hill, and Texas was there to stay. Not 
alone, however, for just to our right stood Benning — ' Old 
Rock ' — that peerless old hero than whom no braver man ever 
lived. Striding back and forth in front of his line, he was 
calling to his gallant Georgians : ' Give them h — 11, boys — 


give them h — 11,' and the ' boys ' were giving it to them 
according to instructions. 

" On the right of Benning stood Anderson and Law, and 
the Fourth and Fifth Texas, as firm as the rocks which shel- 
tered them. I cannot hope to describe the deeds of daring 
and heroism that were enacted. Beyond the valley in our 
front, on the summit of the practically impregnable ridge that 
stretched north toward Gettysburg, stood the enemy's bat- 
teries, £00 guns. Of these, about forty were playing in close 
range upon the position we occupied. Their fire and that of 
our own batteries, and the constant roar and rattle of thou- 
sands of muskets, made the earth tremble beneath our feet, 
while the fierce, angry shriek of shells, the strident swirl of 
grape and canister as they tore hurtling through the air and 
broke like a wave from the ocean of death upon that devoted 
spot, the hissing bullets, and their ' spat ' as they struck rock, 
tree or human flesh — all this, with the shouts and impreca- 
tions, the leaping to and fro and from boulder to boulder of 
powder-begrimed men, seemingly gone wild with rage and ex- 
citement, created a scene of such indescribable, awe-inspiring 
confusion that an on-looker might well believe that a storm 
from the Infernal regions was spending its fury in and around 
a spot so fitly named, ' The Devil's Den.' Had it not been 
for the protection afforded us by the large rocks and boulders 
which lay scattered over the hill-top, no living thing could have 
remained on its summit. 

" The fearful artillery fire of the enemy was intended to 
cover the massing of their infantry, who were now to make 
one more grand effort to regain the ground they had lost. 
Our boys prepared for this by gathering up all abandoned 
muskets within reach, and loading them. Some of us had as 
many as five or six lying by us, as we awaited the attack. 

" We had not long to wait, for soon the long blue line came 
in view, moving in gallant style up the valley. The Federals 
were led by splendid officers, and made a noble charge: but 
when they met the murderous fire from behind the rocks where 
we crouched, they faltered. Only for a moment, though, and 
on they came right up to the rocks. Again they faltered, for 
now, most of their officers were down. Again it was but for a 
second, and cheered on by some of the bravest men I have ever 


seen, they rallied in the very face of death, and charged right 
up to the muzzles of our guns. 

" There was one officer, a major, who won our admiration 
by his courage and gallantry. He was a very handsome man, 
and rode a beautiful, high-spirited gray horse. The animal 
seemed to partake of the spirit of the rider, and as he came on 
with a free, graceful stride into that hell of death and car- 
nage, head erect and ears pointed, horse and man offered a 
picture such as is seldom seen. The two seemed the very im- 
personation of heroic courage. As the withering, scathing 
volleys from behind the rocks cut into the ranks of the regi- 
ment the major led, and his gallant men went down like grain 
before a scythe, he followed close at their heels, and when, 
time and again, they stopped and would have fled the merciless 
fire, each time he rallied them as if his puissant arm alone 
could stay the storm. But his efforts were, in the end, un- 
availing; the pluck of himself and his men only made the car- 
nage the more dreadful, for the Lone Star banner and the 
flag of Georgia continued floating from the hill, showing who 
stood, defiant and unyielding, beneath their folds. 

" In the last and most determined charge they made on us, 
the gallant officer made his supreme effort. Riding into our 
very midst, seeming to bear a charmed life, he sat proudly on 
the noble gray, and still cheered on his men. ' Don't shoot at 
him — don't kill him,' our boys shouted to each other ; ' he is 
too brave a man to die — shoot his horse and capture the man.' 
But it could not be. In a second or two, horse and rider went 
down together, pierced by a dozen balls. Thus died a hero — 
one of the most gallant men that ever gave up his life on the 
red field of carnage. Though it was that of an enemy, we 
honored the dead body as if it had been that of one of our 
own men. Such courage belongs not to any one army or 
country, but to mankind. 

" It was about this time that a spectacular display of reck- 
less courage was made by a young Texan, Will Barbee, of 
the First Texas. Under twenty years old, he was ordinarily 
a jolly, whole-souled lad, not at all given to extraordinary 
performances. But when a fight was going on, he went wild, 
seemed to have no sense of fear whatever, and was a reckless 
dare-devil. Although a courier for General Hood, he never 


failed to join his regiment, if possible, and go into battle with 
it. On the present occasion, when General Hood was wounded, 
Barbee hunted us up. In the hottest of the fight, I heard 
some one say, ' Here comes Barbee,' and looking down from 
the rock on which I was lying I saw him coming as fast as his 
little sorrel horse could run, and waving his hat as he came. 
Just before reaching us, the sorrel fell, but Barbee did not 
stop to see what had happened to the brute. He hit the 
ground running, and snatching up a gun as he came, was 
soon in line. 

" About five paces to my left was a large, high rock behind 
which several of our wounded were sheltering themselves. To 
the top of that, where the very air was alive with missiles of 
death, Barbee sprang, and standing there, erect and fearless, 
began firing — the wounded men below him passing up loaded 
guns as fast as he emptied them. But no living being could 
stay unhurt long in such a fire. In a few minutes, Barbee was 
knocked off the rock by a ball that struck him in the right leg. 
Climbing instantly back, he again commenced shooting. In 
less than two minutes, he was tumbled off the rock by a ball 
in the other leg. Still unsatisfied, he crawled back a second 
time, but was not there more than a minute before, being 
wounded in the body, he again fell, this time dropping on his 
back between the rock that had been his perch, and that which 
was my shelter. Too seriously wounded this time to extricate 
himself from the narrow passageway, he called for help, and 
the last time I saw him that day, he was lying there, crying 
and cursing because the boys would not come to his relief and 
help him back on to the rock. 

" There were many in the regiment as brave as Barbee, but 
none so reckless. The best blood of Texas was there, and in 
the Fourth and Fifth Texas, and General Lee could safely 
place the confidence he did in Hood's Texas Brigade. But God 
must have ordained our defeat. As was said by one of the 
speakers at a reunion of ' the Mountain Remnant Brigade ' : 
' At the first roll of the war drum, Texas sent forth her no- 
blest and best. She gave the Army of Northern Virginia 
Hood's matchless brigade — a band of heroes who bore their 
country's flag to victory on every field, until God stopped 
them at Little Round Top.' " 


Another private, Val C. Giles, of Company B, Fourth Texas, 
has placed his observations and experiences as a participant in 
the fighting at Gettysburg on record. His view of it is from 
a humorous standpoint, and any lightening of the shadows of 
war is always acceptable. He writes : 

" It was near 5 o'clock when we began the assault against 
an enemy strongly fortified behind logs and stones on the 
crest of a mountain, in many places perpendicular. It was 
more than half a mile from our starting point to the edge of 
the timber at the base of the ridge, comparatively open ground 
all the way. We started off at quick time, the officers keeping 
the column in pretty good line until we passed through the 
peach orchard and reached the level ground beyond. We were 
now about four hundred yards from the timber and the fire 
from the enemy, both artillery and musketry, was fearful. 

" In making that long charge our brigade got ' jammed.' 
Regiments overlapped each other and when we reached the 
woods and climbed the mountains as far as we could go, we 
were a badly mixed crowd. 

" Confusion reigned supreme everywhere. Nearly all our 
field officers were gone. Hood, our major general, had been 
shot from his horse. Robertson, our brigadier, had been car- 
ried from the field. Colonel Powell of the Fifth Texas was 
riddled with bullets. Colonel Van Manning of the Third Ar- 
kansas was disabled and Colonel Carter of my regiment lay 
dying at the foot of the mountain. 

" The sides of the mountain were heavily timbered and cov- 
ered with great boulders, that had tumbled from the cliffs 
above years before, which afforded great protection to the 

" Every tree, rock and stump that gave any protection from 
the rain of minie-balls, that was poured down upon us, from 
the crest above us, were soon appropriated. John Griffith and 
myself pre-empted behind a moss-covered old boulder about the 
size of a 500-pound cotton bale. 

" By this time order and discipline were gone. Every fel- 
low was his own general. Private soldiers gave commands as 
loud as the officers — nobody paying any attention to either. 
To add to this confusion, our artillery on the hill in our rear 


was cutting its fuse too short. The shells were burst- 
ing behind us, in the treetops, over our heads, and all around 

" Nothing demoralizes troops quicker than to be fired into 
by their friends. I saw it occur twice during the war. The 
first time we ran, but at Gettysburg we couldn't. 

" This mistake was soon corrected and the shells burst high 
on a mountain or went over it. 

" Major Rogers, then in command of the Fifth Texas regi- 
ment, mounted an old log near my boulder and began a Fourth 
of July speech. He was a little ahead of time, for that was 
about 6.30 o'clock on the evening of the 2d. Of course, no- 
body was paying any attention to the oration as he appealed 
to the men to ' stand fast.' He and Captain Cussons of the 
Fourth Alabama were the only two men I saw standing. The 
balance of us had settled down behind rocks, logs and trees. 
While the speech was going on, John Haggerty, one of Hood's 
couriers, then acting for General Law, dashed up the side of 
the mountains, saluted the major and said: 'General Law 
presents his compliments and says hold the place at all haz- 
ards.' The major checked up, glared down at Haggerty from 
his perch and shouted: 6 Compliments, hell! Who wants com- 
pliments in such a damned place as this? Go back and ask 
General Law if he expects me to hold the world in check with 
the Fifth Texas regiment.' 

" The major evidently thought he had his regiment with 
him, while, in fact, these men were from every regiment in the 
Texas Brigade all around him. 

" But I must back to my boulder at Gettysburg. It was a 
ragged line of battle, strung out along the side of Cemetery 
Ridge and in front of Little Round Top. Night began set- 
tling around us, but the carnage went on. It is of that night 
that I started out to speak. 

" There seemed to be a viciousness in the very air we 
breathed. Things had gone wrong all the day and now pande- 
monium came with the darkness. 

" Alexander Dumas says the devil gets in a man seven 
times a* day, and if the average is not over seven times he is 
almost a saint. 

" At Gettysburg that night it was about seven devils to 


each man. Officers were cross to the men, and the men were 
equally cross to the officers. It was the same way with the 
enemy. We could hear the Yankee officer on the crest of 
the ridge in front of us cursing the men by platoons, and the 
men telling them to go to a country not very far from them 
just at that time. If" that old satanic dragon has ever been 
on earth since he offered our Saviour the world if He would serve 
him, he was at Gettysburg that night. 

" Every characteristic of the human race was presented 
there, the cruelty of the Turk, the courage of the Greek (old 
style), the endurance of the Arab, the dash of the Cossack, 
the fearlessness of the Bashibazouk, the ignorance of the Zulu, 
the cunning of the Comanche, the recklessness of the American 
volunteers and the wickedness of the devil thrown in to make 
the thing complete. 

" The advance lines of the two armies in many places were 
not more than fifty yards apart. Everything was on the 
shoot ; no favors asked, and none offered. 

" My gun was so dirty that the ramrod hung in the barrel, 
and I could neither get it down nor out. I slammed the rod 
against a rock a few times and drove home ramrod, cartridge 
and all, laid the gun on a boulder, elevated the muzzle, ducked 
my head, halloed 4 Look out ! ' and pulled the trigger. She 
roared like a young cannon and flew over my shoulder, the 
barrel striking John Griffith a smart whack on the left ear. 
John roared, too, and abused me like a pickpocket for my 
carelessness. It was no trouble to get another gun there. The 
mountain side was covered with them. 

" Just to our left was a little fellow from the Third Arkan- 
sas regiment. He was comfortably located behind a big 
stump, loading and firing as fast as he could, and between 
biting cartridges and taking aim, he was singing at the top 
of his voice : 

a e 

Now, let the wide world wag as it will, 
I'll be gay and happy still.' " 

" The world was wagging all right — no mistake about that, 
but I failed to see where the ' gay and happy ' part came in. 

" That was a fearful night. There was no sweet music to 
soothe the savage beast. The c tooters ' had left the shooters 


to fight it out, and taken i Home, Sweet Home ' and ' The Girl 
I Left Behind Me ' off with them. 

" Our spiritual advisers, chaplains of regiments, were in the 
rear, caring for the wounded and dying soldiers. With seven 
devils to each man, it was no place for a preacher, anyhow. 

" A little red paint and a few eagle feathers were all that 
was necessary to make that crowd on both sides the most ver- 
itable savages on earth. 6 White-winged Peace ' didn't roost 
at Little Round Top that night. There was not a man there 
who cared a snap for the Golden Rule or that could have re- 
membered one line of the Lord's Prayer. Both sides were 
whipped and all were mad about it." 

Another member of the Texas Brigade, John C. West, of 
Company E, Fourth Texas, relates an interesting story of his 
experiences and observations at Gettysburg, saying: 

" This was my first experience in a general engagement, and 
though we had marched all night of July 1, reaching the 
battlefield about 10 o'clock a. m. on the 2d, the interest and 
excitement and novelty of the occasion kept me up with my 
eyes and ears wide open. Our brigade was on the extreme 
right of the Confederate line, with perhaps one other brigade 
on our right. We marched and counter-marched and rested 
until about three o'clock in the afternoon, when we 
came into line in the edge of timber opposite Little 
Round Top and Devil's Den. I could see the Federal bat- 
teries, or rather the location of them, by the smoke of dis- 
charge. They were about half a mile or more from us. This 
was the first actual contact and full view of our enemy. We 
stood in column of fours, with our faces towards our right, 
for some time, during which the batteries commenced to play 
on us, and the first shot — which I recognized — seemed to be 
a solid shot, which struck the ground about 50 or 60 feet 
from the line and passed by on a bound over us, scattering dust 
and dirt over our company. The next shot passed about an 
equal distance beyond us, tearing up the earth. The third 
shot hit our line about eight feet in front of me, knocking off 
one soldier's head and cutting another in two, bespattering us 
with blood. 


" Just then we fronted to the left, facing the battery. There 
was a short pause. I saw General Hood on horseback about 
300 or 400 yards obliquely to my left, just out of direct range 
of the battery fire, in the edge of the timber. He took his hat. 
held it above him in his right hand, rose to his full height in 
his stirrups, and shouted in a stentorian voice, ' Forward ! 
steady ; forward ! ' We started across the open field. As we 
moved on I heard the word passing down the line, ' Quick, but 
not double quick ! ' We went in pretty fair order across the 
field. As we entered the timber and brush our line was more 
broken. We soon struck a stone fence ; then came a branch. 
Lieutenant Joe Smith, Company E, wet his handkerchief, 
wrung it out and tied it around his head as he moved up the 
slope, which we had now reached. Bullets and grapeshot were 
coming thick and fast. A bullet passed through his head ; ex- 
amination afterwards showed 11 holes through the folded 
handkerchief. I think it made a white mark for a sharp- 
shooter. As we advanced up the steep side of the mountain 
we encountered boulders from the size of a hogshead to the 
size of a small house. Our line at times could hardly be called 
a line at all. The battery was taken. The First Texas suf- 
fered the brunt of the battle. After we were up on the first 
ridge the ground was so rough and broken that it was impos- 
sible to form a straight line, but it was quite evident to me 
from the sounds on our left that we were in advance of our 
center. From this position we made sallies to our front, over 
rocks and boulders and timber. It was impossible to make a 
united charge. The enemy were pretty thick and well con- 
cealed. It was more like Indian fighting than anything that 
I experienced during the war. They had sharpshooters in 
trees and on high places that made it exceedingly dangerous 
to appear in any open place. One bullet passed through my 
beard and grazed my left ear. Another missed the top of my 
head about an inch. Both struck the rock against which I 
was sitting. I abandoned the position instanter. Just in 
front of us, perhaps 50 yards, was a comparatively open space 
on rising ground, very small in extent. It seemed almost 
certain death to attempt to pass it. Singly and in squads we 
made several experiments to test the presence of the enemy 
beyond* and every time, night or day, a shower of bullets 


greeted us. About 10 o'clock on the night of the 2d Gold- 
sticker of Company A ventured out. He was mortally 
wounded, and lay there many hours calling for help. I can 
hear his plaintive cry, ' Water ! water ! Great God, bring me 
water ! ' but there was no truce. Death released him before 
the dawn. Poor Goldsticker ! He was a gambler, a German 
and a Jew, but he died at the front ! 

" We held our position among the rocks all night and until 
about 5 o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d. Colonel Carter 
of the Fourth was severely wounded, afterwards captured, and 
died in the Federal hospital. Major Winkler was also 
wounded. Private Champ Fitzhugh of my company was also 
captured, and I saw him no more, until by a strange coinci- 
dence I met him in May, 1864, at 12 o'clock at night in the 
swamp on the bank of the Mississippi River, each of us at- 
tempting to cross the river. We crossed together in a canoe 
with Yankee gunboats above and below us. (This by way of 

" From 3 to 5 o'clock on the afternoon of the 3d the battle 
raged in the center on the left of our brigade. We had re- 
ceived the notice that the artillery on the whole line would 
open about 2 o'clock, and upon cessation of artillery fire the 
entire line would move forward. This order was carried out, 
and when our artillery opened the enemy answered as promptly 
as if a telephone message had said, s Shoot now.' 

" This cannonade was the grandest and most sublime cir- 
cumstance I ever saw or heard. I can conceive of nothing 
grander, more portentous, or awful. An earthquake, a cy- 
clone, a thunderstorm, a hurricane, all in one, could not be 
more terrific. It sounded veritably as if hell had broken loose 
and the unchained demons and furies were shrieking in the air. 
It was grand, sublime and glorious. The anticipation of the 
assault which was impending at the close of this fearful storm 
inspired the hearts of men with the joy of battle, which so 
filled us that there was no room for fear. While the earth 
quivered the storm ceased and the forward movement began. 
Our end of the line, crooked and curved by the broken condi- 
tion of the ground, made no progress. We were already in 
advance of the troops on our left. When the contest seemed 
hot on our left and towards the center we moved to the front, 


hoping to find a weak place or an opening for flank movement, 
but the enemy evidently recognized the importance of that 
position s and we could gain no advantage there, but the fight 
grew fast and furious on our left. We could see nothing, but 
the Confederate yell and the Yankee huzzah alternated back 
and forth with such regularity for nearly an hour as to satisfy 
us that a critical moment was approaching at that point and 
that we were in danger of being flanked. Soon the ' huzzah ' 
advanced so far as to create uneasiness in our part of the line, 
and directly notice came from our left to 6 get out of here as 
quickly as you can.' We did not consider the order of our 
going, but rushed down the slope with better speed than we 
had been able to make coming in. As we had obliqued to the 
right coming up the mountain, and now obliqued to the left 
coming out, we struck the open field several hundred yards to 
the right of the stone fence and branch which we had crossed, 
and looking to our right, saw the Yanks in full line in the 
open field. We went across the field under fire without regard 
to tactics. Bullets were pretty thick and hit about us with 
that peculiar searching ' zip-zip ' which suggests rapid loco- 

" Mr. H. Van Dusen of Company C, Fourth Texas, was 
just in front of me about 10 feet. I heard a bullet hit him 
and saw him tumble over. I thought he was dead, and I so 
reported when our regiment got together after dark. Some 
man said, ' No ; he is, over there by a tree.' I went to the 
place and found Van Dusen with head bound with a white 
cloth. The bullet had struck him in the head, but failed to 
penetrate. He went to the field hospital, was afterwards cap- 
tured and got among Dutch kinsfolk in Pennsylvania. It was 
said that they offered him every inducement to abandon the 
Confederacy, which he declined, went to prison, and was after- 
wards exchanged. He survived the war and returned to 

Of what the Third Arkansas did on that 2nd day of July 
is officially told by Colonel Van H. Manning, as follows : 

" About four o'clock on the evening of July 2, I was or- 
dered to move against the enemy, keeping my right well con- 
nected with the left of the First Texas Regiment, and hold 


my left on the Emmitsburg Road, then some 200 yards in my 
front and out of view. 

" Upon reaching this road, I discovered, from the direction 
the directing regiment was taking, that I could not with the 
length of my line carry out the latter order; hence I decided 
to keep my line on a prolongation of the line formed by the 
troops on my right. After marching in line of battle at a 
brisk gait (part of the way at a double-quick) for about 100 
yards, all the time exposed to a destructive fire from artillery, 
we engaged the enemy at short range, strongly posted behind 
a rock fence at the edge of the woods. We drove him back 
with but a little loss, for a distance of 150 yards, when I as- 
certained that I was suffering from a fire to my left and rear. 
Thereupon, I ordered a change of front to the rear on first 
company, but the noise consequent upon the heavy firing then 
going on swallowed up my command, and I contented myself 
with the irregular drawing back of the left wing, giving it an 
excellent fire, which pressed the enemy back in a very short 
while, whereupon the whole line advanced, the enemy fighting 
stubbornly, but retiring. 

" Soon I was again admonished that my left was seriously 
threatened, when I ordered the command back fifty to seventy- 
five yards, to meet this contingency. He was again driven 
back, and I stretched out my front to twice its legitimate 
length, guarding well my left, and advanced to the ledge of 
rocks from which we had previously been dislodged by the 
enemy's movement on my flank. I experienced some annoyance 
from the exposure of this flank up to this moment, when the 
Eleventh Georgia Regiment joined to my left. The Fifty- 
ninth Georgia Regiment, coming also at this time, occupied 
the line with my command. Some little time after this I was 
disabled by concussion and wound on my nose and forehead. 
The command then devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Taylor, 
who will report his operations subsequent to this time. 

" It would be invidious to make special mention of gallantry 
in either officers or men when all did so well, fighting greatly 
superior numbers and at great disadvantage. I might safely 
assume that the bearing of the entire command was of the 
highest creditable character. 

" No guns or colors were captured, and but few (some 


twenty-five) prisoners, a number of whom were sent to the rear 
with wounded men." 

No report by Colonel Taylor is to be found. 

Of the First Texas, Lieutenant-Colonel P. A. Work says : 

" The regiment, together with the brigade having been 
ordered forward to the attack about 4 p. m., continued to ad- 
vance by the front for a distance exceeding half a mile, the 
Fourth Texas upon the right and the Third Arkansas upon the 
left, when Company I, commanded by Lieutenant J. H. Woot- 
ers, and thrown out as skirmishers, engaged the skirmishers 
of the enemy, driving them back upon a regiment supporting 
the enemy's battery, and then, aided by volunteers from this 
(First Texas) regiment, engaging the regiment and artillery, 
succeeded in driving back the regiment and silencing the 
enemy's guns, taking and holding possession of the latter. 

" While this regiment was closely following our skirmish- 
ers, and had reached to within 125 yards of the enemy's ar- 
tillery, the Third Arkansas Regiment on my left, became hotly 
engaged with a strong force of the enemy upon its front and 
left, thus leaving my left flank uncovered and exposed, to pro- 
tect which I halted, and threw out upon my left and rear Com- 
pany G, commanded by Lieutenant B. A. Campbell (some 
forty men), which soon engaged the enemy and drove them 
from their threatening position to the left and the front of the 
Third Arkansas. It was while in the execution of this order 
that Lieutenant Campbell, a brave and gallant officer, fell, 
pierced through the heart. 

" Owing to the failure (as informed by Brigadier-General 
Robertson) of the troops that were assigned to the position 
on the left of this (Robertson's) brigade to arrive promptly, 
neither this nor the Third Arkansas was able to advance, with- 
out advancing against a vastly superior force, and with the 
left flank of the Third Arkansas (protecting my left) exposed 
to attack. 

" After the lapse of several minutes, Benning's brigade made 
its appearance, but instead of occupying the ground to the 
left of Robertson's brigade, so as to enable the latter to move 
forward with its left flank secure from attack, it occupied the 
ground still occupied, by a portion at least, of this brigade, the 


Fifteenth Georgia Regiment falling in and remaining with the 
First Texas Regiment. After several ineffectual efforts upon 
the part of both the commanders of the Fifteenth Georgia and 
myself to separate the men of the two regiments, we gave the 
order to move forward when both regiments, thus commingled, 
moved forward and occupied the crest of the hill, some 100 
yards or more to the front, and where the enemy's artillery was 
stationed, where we remained until the close of the day and 
until two o'clock on Friday morning. 

" During the evening of the 2nd an incessant fire was kept 
up by this regiment, and the enemy was several times repulsed 
in their efforts to retake the hill. My position was such that 
I was enabled to pour a deadly enfilading fire into the enemy 
as they advanced through a wheat field to attack the troops 
in position on my left, and I have no doubt that this fire con- 
tributed greatly to the repulse of the enemy attacking our 
forces some 300 or 400 yards on my left. 

" Once during the evening the troops on my left were driven 
back, and my left was exposed, when, directing Captain EL 

E. Moss, Company D, to take charge of the colors, and re- 
taining them there with a few men to hold the hill until the 
regiment could safely retire, I ordered the regiment to fall 
back to a stone fence about 100 yards in my rear. The major 
part of the regiment and the Fifteenth Georgia fell back as 
ordered, but quite a large number, having noticed that the 
colors were not moving to the rear, refused to withdraw, and 
remaining upon the crest of the hill, succeeded in holding the 
enemy in check in their immediate front, and obliquely upon 
their front and left, until the troops upon my left had been 
re-formed and were again advancing, when I directed Major 

F. S. Bass to return to the crest of the hill with the body of 
the regiment, and, with Captain D. K. Rice, of Company C, 
proceeded myself to collect together all fugitives, slightly 
wounded, and exhausted men, and placed them so as to protect 
my right and rear from an attack in that quarter, one of my 
advanced scouts in that direction having reported to me that 
a column of the enemy was moving down a ravine or hollow 
and threatening me in that quarter. 

" Having made every disposition to guard my right and 
rear, I placed Captain D. K. Rice in charge of such defense. 


and proceeded to the Third Arkansas Regiment, of which 
General Robertson had ordered me to take charge. After the 
loss of some half hour in searching for the Third Arkansas, I 
found Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor and Major Reedy, of that 
regiment, both alive and uninjured, and in charge of the regi- 
ment, which was doing its duty nobly and well. 

" Late in the evening a terrific fire of artillery was concen- 
trated against the hill occupied by this (the First) regi- 
ment, many were killed and wounded, some losing their heads, 
and others so horribly mutilated and mangled that their iden- 
tity could hardly be established, but notwithstanding this, all 
the men continued heroically and unflinchingly to maintain 
their position. 

" Immediately after dark, having detailed Companies E and 
I for the purpose, I sent three pieces of the artillery captured 
to the rear. There were three other pieces — two at one point 
and one at another — that I was unable to remove, for the 
reason that they were located between the lines of the enemy 
and our own, and were so much exposed that they could not 
be approached except under a murderous fire. While they 
could not be removed by us, neither could they be approached 
by the enemy, for the same fire that drove the artillerists from 
their guns and the infantry from their support, was ever in 
readiness to keep them in check and drive them 

" Every man of the regiment proved himself a hero. Hun- 
dreds might be mentioned, each of whom with reason and pro- 
priety might point to his gallant acts and daring deeds, and 
the lieutenant-colonel commanding feels that he cannot call 
attention to the bearing of a few only of those, without doing 
some share of injustice to those not mentioned ; and though he 
is urged to mention the names of Privates W. Y. Salter, Com- 
pany I; J. N. Kirksey and G. Barfield, of Company B, and 
W. J. Barbee, of Company L, for great and striking gallantry, 
and does mention them, he feels that he is neglecting others 
of equal merit. Private Barbee, though a mounted courier, 
acting for Major-General Hood, entered the ranks of his com- 
pany, L, and fought through the engagement. At one time 
he mounted a rock on the highest pinnacle of the hill, and 
there, exposed to a raking, deadly fire of artillery and mus- 


ketry, stood until he had fired twenty-five shots, when he re- 
ceived a minie-ball wound in the right thigh, and fell. 

" Having exhausted their original supply of ammunition, 
the men supplied themselves from the cartridge boxes of their 
dead and disabled comrades, and from the dead and the 
wounded of the enemy, frequently going in front of the hill to 
secure a cartridge box. Many of the officers threw aside their 
swords, seized a rifle, and going into the ranks, fought bravely 
and nobly. 

" The regiment lost in killed 25, in wounded 48, and missing 
20, a list of the names of whom, giving the company and 
character of wound of those wounded, is hereto annexed as 
part of this report." 

In the report of Major John P. Bane, of the Fourth Texas, 
is told what that regiment did. He says : 

" About 4.30 p. m., the 2nd instant, we were ordered to ad- 
vance on the enemy, who occupied the heights about one and 
one-fourth miles distant, the Fifth Texas, the directing bat- 
talion, on my right, and the First Texas on my left. Ad- 
vancing at double-quick, we soon met the enemy's skirmishers, 
who occupied a skirt of thick undergrowth about one-quarter 
of a mile from the base of the cliffs, upon which the enenry 
had a battery playing upon us with the most deadly effect. 

" After a short pause, while repelling the skirmishers, I was 
ordered by General Robertson to move by the right flank, so 
as to cover all the ground between us and the directing bat- 
talion. Moving about 200 yards, I met the enemy in full 
force in a heavy wooded ground, sheltering themselves behind 
rocks, from which, after a sharp contest, he was driven to 
the heights beyond in our front and in close proximity to the 
mountain, and there I was pained to learn that the gallant 
Lieutenant-Colonel B. F. Carter was severely wounded while 
crossing a stone wall near the base of the mountain. I was 
also informed that Colonel John C. G. Key, while gallantly 
urging the men to the front, was severely wounded. The 
command then devolved upon me. Many of the officers and 
men had been killed and wounded by this time. 

" Finding it impossible to carry the heights by assault with 
my thinned ranks, I ordered my command to fall back to the 


skirt of timber, the position then occupied being enfiladed by 
the batteries on the left, and exposed to heavy fire by mus- 
ketry in my immediate front. Being joined by the Fifth 
Texas on my right, I again attempted to drive the enemy 
from the heights by assault, but with like results. Again, be- 
ing reinforced by the Forty-eighth Alabama, commanded by 
the gallant Colonel James L. Sheffield, and the Forty-fourth 
Alabama, whose commander I did not learn, we again charged 
their works, but were repulsed, and then, under the order of 
General Law, I ordered my command to fall back under cover 
of the timber on a slight elevation within short range of the 
enemy. I formed my regiment in line of battle, leaving the 
battle-field contested ground. 

" At the dawn of day, I had a stone wall about two feet 
high thrown up, which afforded some protection to the men 
occupying the position from which we had driven the enemy, 
until sunset of the '3rd instant, at which time I was ordered 
to move my command, in conjunction with the remainder of 
the brigade, by the right flank, to occupy the ground from 
which we first advanced upon the enemy. 

" I accord to each and all of my officers and men my warm- 
est congratulations for their continued and unceasing gal- 
lantry during the entire engagement." 

Lieutenant-Colonel King Bryan, of the Fifth Texas, writes : 
" Colonel R. M. Powell having fallen into the hands of the 
enemy, it devolves upon me as lieutenant-colonel of the regi- 
ment, to report the part taken by it as far as came under 
my observation in the action of July 2 and 3, near Gettys- 
burg, Pa. 

" About 4 p. m. on the 2nd instant, General Hood's division 
was drawn up in line of battle, fronting the heights occupied 
by the enemy. The Fifth Texas Regiment occupied the right 
of the brigade, resting on General Law's left, whose brigade 
was the one of direction. At the word, ' Forward,' the regi- 
ment moved forward in good order. The enemy had a line 
of sharpshooters at the foot of the first height, behind a stone 
fence about three-fourths of a mile from our starting point, 
which distance was passed over by our line at a double-quick 
and a run. 


" At our approach, the enemy retired to the top of the first 
height, protected by a ledge of rocks. A short halt was made 
at the stone fence, to enable those who had fallen behind to 
regain their places. When the command ' forward ' again 
fell from the lips of our gallant colonel, every man leaped the 
fence and advanced rapidly up the hill-side. The enemy again 
fled at our approach, sheltering himself behind his fortified 
position on the top of the second height, about 200 yards 
distant from the first. 

" From this position we failed to drive them. Our failure 
was owing to the rocky nature of the ground over which we 
had to pass, the huge rocks forming defiles through which not 
more than three or four men could pass abreast, thus break- 
ing up our alignment and rendering its re-formation impos- 
sible. Notwithstanding the difficulties to overcome, the men 
pressed on to the pass of the precipitous stronghold, forcing 
and securing the enemy's second position, many of our officers 
and men falling in passing the open space between the heights. 
Here we halted, there being small clusters of rocks far below 
the elevated position of the enemy, which gave us partial pro- 
tection. From this position we were enabled to deliver our 
fire for the first time with accuracy. 

" Seeing that the men were in the best obtainable position, 
and deeming a further advance without reinforcements im- 
practicable (a great many of the regiment having been already 
disabled) I looked for Colonel Powell, to know his next order. 
Failing to see him I concluded at once that he, like many of his 
gallant officers and men, had fallen a victim to the deadly 
missiles of the enemy, which were being showered like hail upon 
us. I moved toward the center, passing many officers and 
men who had fallen, having discharged their whole duty as 
true soldiers. I had not proceeded far when I discovered the 
prostrate form of our noble colonel, who had fallen at his 
post, his face to the foe. I hastened toward him, when I re- 
ceived a wound in my left arm. On reaching the colonel, 
I found that he was not dead: but seeing the rent in his coat 
where the ball had passed out, my fears were excited that his 
wound would prove mortal. The hemorrhage from my own 
wound forced me from the field, leaving the command upon 
Major Rogers. 


" The officers and men of my wing of the regiment con- 
tinued to discharge their duties in a manner worthy of our 
cause so long as I remained upon the field, and from their 
conduct heretofore I would not hesitate to vouch for them 
during the remainder of the battle." 

Following Colonel Bryan's report is that of Major J. C. 
Rogers, who says : 

" I have the honor to forward a continuation of the report 
of the part taken by the Fifth Texas Regiment in the action 
of the 2nd and 3rd instant after the wounding of Colonels 
Powell and Bryan, when the command devolved upon me, the 
regiment still holding the position as left by Colonel Bryan, 
firing with accuracy and deadly effect. 

" The order to fall back came from some unknown source, 
and, finding that the regiments on our right and left had re- 
tired, it became necessary to follow. I therefore gave the 
order for the regiment to about face and retire to the rear, 
which they did in good order until they reached the position 
mentioned in Colonel Bryan's report as the second position of 
the enemy, and here they were halted and re-formed, in con- 
nection with the other regiments. From the exhausted con- 
dition of the men, it was deemed necessary to remain here for a 
few moments. 

" The regiments were again ordered forward, and obeyed in 
the most gallant manner, and regained their first position, 
which they held as long as it was tenable ; and a further ad- 
vance being impracticable, owing to the nature of the ground 
as expressed in Colonel Bryan's report, they again retired in 
good order to an open space about fifty yards in rear, when 
here it was discovered for the first time that nearly two-thirds 
of our officers and men had been killed and wounded. 

" Only a few moments were here consumed to allow the men 
to recover their breath, when,, in obedience to orders, I again 
moved the regiment forward to attack the enemy in their im- 
pregnable position. The coolness and determination of the 
men and officers were equal to the occasion. They advanced 
boldly over the ground strewn with the bodies of their dead 
and dying comrades to the base of what they knew to be an 
impregnable fortification. We held this position until it was 


discovered that we had no supports either on the right or left 
and were about to be flanked, and therefore were again com- 
pelled to retire, which the regiment did in good order, to the 
point mentioned in Colonel Bryan's report as the second posi- 
tion of the enemy, which place we were ordered to hold at all 
hazards, which we did. 

" Just before day on the morning of the 3rd, orders reached 
me that breastworks must be thrown up, and the position 
held. The order was obeyed. During the day, constant skir- 
mishing was kept up with the enemy, which resulted in the loss 
to us of many of our best scouts. Late in the evening, in 
obedience to orders, I about-faced my regiment, and marched 
three-quarters of a mile to the crest of the ridge from which 
the charge of the day previous commenced. Here we threw 
up breastworks, behind which we remained during the night. 

" I would respectfully beg leave to call attention to the 
valuable assistance I received from Colonel John S. Cleveland 
in the management of the right wing of my regiment, and 
Captain T. T. Clay on the left ; also, to the heroic conduct of 
T. W. Fitzgerald, of Company A, who was color-bearer. He 
pressed gallantly forward, and was badly wounded far in front. 
J. A. Howard, of Company B, color-corporal, then took the 
flag, and remained firmly at his post. He was almost in- 
stantly killed. The colors were then taken by Sergeant W. S. 
Evans, of Company F, who flaunted them defiantly in the 
face of the foe during the remainder of the fight, always ad- 
vancing promptly to the front when the order was given. 

" The general conduct of officers and men was beyond all 

In the report of Surgeon Lafayette Guild, medical director 
of the Army of Northern Virginia, the losses at Gettysburg 
of the regiments composing the Texas Brigade are given as 
follows : 

Third Arkansas — Killed, 26; wounded, 116. 

First Texas — Killed, 24; wounded, 54. 

Fourth Texas — Killed, 14; wounded, 73. 

Fifth Texas— Killed, 23; wounded, 86. 

Making a total of 87 killed and 329 wounded. Any dif- 
ferences between this and a summation of regimental reports 


of losses may be accounted for by the fact that in losses re- 
ported by regimental commanders, missing men who after- 
wards rejoin their regiments are included. 

Judged by its losses, which are usually held true criterions 
of the gallantry of a regiment and the dangers it faced, the 
Third Arkansas bore the brunt of the battle at Gettysburg. 


Gettysburg to Chickamauga 

That General Lee's plan of battle for July 2nd contem- 
plated a united and practically simultaneous assault upon the 
whole length of the Federal lines at Gettysburg, may be held 
as established beyond controversy by the facts when viewed 
in the light of a discriminating, dispassionate judgment. 
Longstreet's opening guns were to be the signal for Hill, hold- 
ing the center of the Confederate line, and Ewell, holding its 
left, to move their veterans forward and engage the Federals 
in their respective immediate fronts. The object in view was 
two-fold ; such a general attack would engage the attention 
of the enemy at all points and prevent the withdrawal by him 
of forces from unthreatened positions for the purpose of rein- 
forcing those seriously menaced; and, with every Confederate 
command on the firing line, instant advantage could be taken 
of any confusion created in the enemy's ranks by such suc- 
cesses as might be won by Longstreet's men. 

Why Ewell and Hill failed to act in concert with Long- 
street, as unquestionably they were instructed, has never been 
satisfactorily explained. It is doubtful if it can be. Hill, 
two hours and a half after Longstreet began his assault, did 
send forward a few of his brigades, and three of these ad- 
vanced to the very foot of Cemetery Ridge and captured eight 
pieces of artillery, while another, Wright's, reached the sum- 
mit of the ridge and seized and, for a while, held twenty Fed- 
eral cannon. This cut in two the Federal line, and had the 
success thus gained been promptly utilized, the Federal army 
would have been compelled to retreat. Hill, though, did not 
rise to the occasion, but held his other troops in line, but inac- 
tive, a mile to the rear, when they should have been well to the 

At the time Wright's gallant brigade seized the twenty 



cannon on the crest of Cemetery Ridge, two regiments of 
Law's brigade, fighting on the extreme right of the Confeder- 
ate army, were crossing the valley lying between the two 
Round Tops, and advancing rapidly toward Little Round 
Top ; the Texas and Benning's brigades had fought their way 
to the base of the precipitous cliffs forming the west wall of 
the same mountain, driving the enemy before them ; and Mc- 
Laws' division had advanced beyond the Peach Orchard, the 
enemy fleeing in confusion and dismay before it. If then 
Ewell had but moved his men forward in a determined assault, 
and thus given employment to the Union forces in his front, 
Federal General Warren could not so easily have found a bri- 
gade and a battery to lead at full speed to the crest of Little 
Round Top, and, with them, drive the Alabamians to the shel- 
ter of Devil's Den. But Ewell made no movement of any 
kind until just before sunset — after Longstreet's battle had 
ended through exhaustion, and the Federal line was re-estab- 
lished and Little Round Top heavily manned and gunned. 

Then Johnson's division assaulted and captured the first 
line of Federal intrenchments on Gulp's Hill, and Early's 
division forced its way to the crest of Cemetery Ridge, and 
for a while held the works there. But not only were both 
Johnson's and Early's forces left wholly unsupported, but 
Federal General Hancock, noting that Longstreet's command 
had ceased to advance and that danger no longer menaced the 
Union center and left flank, withdrew troops from these points, 
and drove both Johnson and Early back. The success which 
attended the movements of Johnson and Early proves, beyond 
controversy, that the enemy's position in their front was far 
from impregnable. Had they made their assaults as soon as 
Longstreet's signal guns were fired, or at any time while Hood 
and McLaws' divisions were driving the Federals before them, 
and before these divisions had spent their strength and, hope- 
less of aid from either Hill or Ewell, were retiring from their 
hard-won vantage ground, the chances of victory would have 
been overwhelmingly in favor of the Southern army. 

Of whatever needless delay, slow and deliberate movement, 
and unwillingness to give battle, General Longstreet may be 
accused and may have been guilty, there was yet abundance 
of time after the divisions of Hood and McLaws went into 


action., in which, by united effort, to drive the Union army 
from i + 3 stronghold and put it to rout. In Volume III of Con- 
federal Military History, the author of the volume says: 

Longsti^ct's bold fight had, undoubtedly, won the day, if Hill's 
corps had, in its entirety, performed its assigned duty. The writer 
witnessed, from Seminary Ridge, the hurried movement of troops 
from Meade's right on Culp's Hill and the Cemetery, toward his 
broken center and left. 

Whatever the omissions and shortcomings of Longstreet, 
Hill and Ewell; out of time with each other as were the as- 
saults made by the Confederates on right, left and center of the 
Union position, General Meade was not only disheartened by 
the day's contest, but so alarmed for the safety of his army, 
as to be ready to retreat. That night he held conference with 
his subordinate commanders, and with them discussed its ad- 
visability. General Hancock's chief of staff has put on record 
the statement that for the Union army " it was indeed a 
gloomy hour." While they deliberated, though, and when an 
agreement was almost reached to fall back to the line of Pipe 
Creek, and there halting in defensive position, cover the ap- 
proaches to Baltimore and Washington, one of their scouts 
appeared, bringing with him dispatches he had captured from 
a courier sent by President Davis to General Lee, in which Mr. 
Davis refused to comply with Lee's urgent request that a Con- 
federate force, under General Beauregard, be concentrated at 
Culpeper Court House to threaten Washington. This in- 
formation relieved Meade of apprehensions for the safety of 
the Federal capital, and he decided to hold on another day at 

General Lee was not disheartened by the failures of July 
2nd. Knowing the temper and spirit of the rank and file of 
his army and having unbounded confidence in its ability and 
willingness to accomplish any task he might assign it, and the 
lust for battle still inspiring him, he determined to renew on 
the morning of July 3rd the attack as first planned. Ac- 
cordingly, Longstreet, reinforced by Pickett's division, which 
had come up late in the afternoon of the 2nd, was ordered to 
again attack the Federal left — Ewell, at the same time, to 
assault the Federal right, and Hill to move simultaneously 


and with his whole force against its center. Btit when the 
morning of July 3rd dawned, it was discovered that two Fed- 
eral corps had taken possession of and fortified the Round 
Tops, and as these dominated the Confederate right and pro- 
tected the Federal center, General Lee abandoned the plan, 
and resolved to make a vigorous and well-supported assault 
on Cemetery Ridge, hoping thereby to break through the 
Union center and take its right in reverse. 

It is not within the province of this volume to give an ac- 
count of a battle in which the Texas Brigade took no direct 
and active part, and of which its members caught but fleeting 
glimpses, and heard only the noises. Beginning about 1 a. m. 
for an hour or more, 140 Confederate and 70 Federal cannon 
belched forth their thunders and dealt destruction to every- 
thing living within their range. Flame and smoke rose from 
the long lines of the opposing ridges ; the roar of the guns 
was deafening to the ears of all within miles of the conflict, 
and a dense dark cloud of smoke settled down between the 
opposing armies and concealed them from each other. Gen- 
eral Francis A. Walker, Hancock's chief of staff, says of the 
effect of the Confederate artillery: 

The whole space behind Cemetery Ridge was in a moment ren- 
dered uninhabitable. General headquarters were broken up ; the 
supply and reserve ammunition trains were driven out; motley 
hordes of camp-followers poured down the Baltimore pike, or 
spread over the fields to the rear. Upon every side caissons ex- 
ploded; horses were struck down by the hundreds; the air was 
filled with flying missiles; shells tore up the ground and then 
bounded for another and, perhaps, more deadly flight, or burst 
above the crouching troops and sent their ragged fragments down 
in deadly showers. Never had a storm so dreadful burst upon 
mortal man. 

Then began the brave and heroic, the superbly magnificent, 
the awe-inspiring charge of Pickett's and Pettigrew's divisions. 
Language beggared, it would yet remain undescribed and in- 
describable. Even those whose fortune it was to witness it 
can grasp but a small part of its splendid pluck and daring. 
Still, it failed. Resolute, fearless and indomitable as were the 
assailants, the assailed were equally so ; American valor was 


matched against American valor, and having the advantage 
in position, the Federals, standing manfully to their guns, 
shattered the Confederate columns and drove them back. The 
courage manifested that day by the Union soldiers proves that 
it was not to their lack of pluck that their failures and defeats 
were due — it was to the timidity of their commanders. It has 
never been confessed, but in effect and deed, McClellan, Pope, 
Burnside, Hooker, Meade, and even Grant, each in his turn 
acknowledged Robert E. Lee as his superior in generalship. 
[Not one of them ever attacked or dared attack him with 
equal forces. Each insisted on having as nearly two men to 
his one as was possible, and this advantage they respectfully 
held in the days of battle around Richmond, at Second Man- 
assas, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, The Wil- 
derness, and at all the many hard-contested battles after the 
Wilderness. The streams of courage and confidence, do not, 
as a rule, flow from foot to head — they move downward from 
head to foot. The bravery of the rank and file of the army 
he commands is not so inspiring to the general as the mani- 
festation of his own is to them. 

Longstreet's game but unsupported and fruitless battle of 
July 2nd ended at sunset of that day. Whether true or not 
that he made it unwillingly and directed it half-heartedly, he 
stayed on the firing line from its inception to its finish, and 
by his presence encouraged his men to their bravest efforts. 
Hopeless at last of further assistance from Hill, and none at 
all coming from Ewell, it only remained for him to hold as 
much of the ground won as he safely could with the shattered 
remnants of his command. Quite early in the engagement 
General Hood was wounded and carried from the field, and 
the command of his division fell upon General E. M. Law, its 
senior brigadier. The Texas Brigade was withdrawn from 
it advanced position, and from the new line formed, pickets 
were sent forward to watch the movements of the enemy. It 
was not until £ a. m. of July 3rd, though, that the First Texas 
and Third Arkansas, which, during the fighting, had borne 
well to the left and thus separated themselves from the Fourth 
and Fifth Texas, reached the new position. 

While on the 3rd the gallant Confederates under Pickett 
and Pettigrew were so heroically battling against no less gal- 


lant Federals — the one, to break, the other, to hold fast the 
Union center, the regiments of the Texas Brigade were neither 
idle nor unexposed to danger. Hood's division was the right 
flank of the Southern army ; Law's brigade guarded the right 
flank of the division, and next in line to Law's but on its left, 
all that day stood the Texans and Arkansans, most of the 
time in line of battle, and all the time ready, at a moment's 
notice, to move to right or left, or forward, as the exigency 
might require. For while such a large part of Lee's army 
engaged, or was held ready to engage, in the tragic struggle 
far to the left, the time was opportune for a movement from 
the Round Tops on our right flank, and several tentative ones 
were made, both by infantry and cavalry. None succeeded, 
though, and after the loss his army suffered in repulsing the 
assault upon his center, Meade had little stomach for further 
battle, big or little. Still, activity on the skirmish lines con- 
tinued during the whole of that day, and was not entirely lack- 
ing on the next. 

Nor was General Lee inclined to renew the struggle. In 
his official report, he says : " The severe loss sustained by 
the army, and the reduction of its ammunition, rendered an- 
other attempt to dislodge the enemy unadvisable, and it was 
therefore determined to withdraw." Yet he did not withdraw 
in such haste as to endanger the safety either of the army or 
its long wagon trains. All day of the 4th he held his army 
in line waiting for such attack as Meade with his remaining 
72,000 men might dare make on the 38,000 Confederates left. 
But Meade made none ; lofty and difficulty of ascent as were 
Cemetery Ridge and the Round Tops, and skilfully and cour- 
ageously as they were defended, he had lost 23,000 to Lee's 
20,000, and on each day of battle had barely held his ground ; 
if while fighting " on his own dung-hill " strictly in defense, 
he had so nearly suffered defeat, it would be, he must have 
thought, suicidal to take the offensive. 

In a letter written April 15, 1868, which may be read in full 
in Volume VII of Southern Historical Papers, beginning on 
page 445, General Lee wrote: 

As to the battle of Gettysburg, I must again refer you to the 
official accounts. It was commenced in the absence of correct 


intelligence. It was continued in the effort to overcome the diffi- 
culties by which we were surrounded, and it would have been 
gained could one determined and united blow have been delivered 
by our whole line. As it was, victory trembed in the balance for 
three days, and the battle resulted in the infliction of as great 
an amount of injury as was received and in frustrating the Fed- 
eral campaign for the season. 

On the 4th of July, 1864, save during the hours devoted to 
caring for the wounded and burying the dead, the two armies 
rested. Only occasional shots on the picket lines broke a still- 
ness grateful and comforting to Confederates and Federals 
alike. In the afternoon it commenced raining, at first gently, 
but as night approached, very heavily — the down-pour con- 
tinuing all night, and making the march the Texas Brigade 
began at daylight of the 5th, toward the Potomac at Wil- 
liamsport, exceedingly difficult and wearisome. But there was 
no grumbling, no depression of spirits, notwithstanding the 
fact that with the assurance of their own defeat came the un- 
welcome news of Pemberton's surrender of Vicksburg and its 
defending army. For that surrender, the Army of Northern 
Virginia was in no way to blame, and with troubles of their 
own at hand, they had neither time nor inclination to bewail 
it as the great misfortune it really was. 

For their repulse on the 2nd, — the first they had ever en- 
countered — the members of the Texas Brigade found comfort 
in the reflection that it was due, not to the superior bravery 
of their antagonists, or to any lack of effort on their part, but 
to the insurmountable physical obstacle with which nature had 
strewn their line of advance. As said by one of them and 
endorsed by all within hearing : " Even if we didn't have 
wings to fly up on top of those steep bluffs and put the 
Yankees there to making tracks for tall timber, we crippled 
and slaughtered without mercy or let-up those we met in the 
lowlands. We whipped them to a frazzle, and good Lord, 
didn't we put speed in the legs of such of them as tried to get 
away ! Fact is, boys, we won a big and glorious victory before 
we got to those high, precipitous cliffs and bluffs. There, we 
butted up against God Almighty's everlasting and immovable 
handiworks, and we just had to stop." 

The march from Gettysburg was unmarked, as far as the 


Texas Brigade was concerned, by any incident worthy of note. 
General Meade was too glad of Lee's withdrawal from Gettys- 
burg to make any determined effort to hold him north of the 
Potomac, or, when finding that river impassable, Lee halted, 
to attack him at once. Instead, he waited till the 14th, and 
then advanced to discover that the Confederate army was 
across the Potomac and beyond his reach. 

From the Potomac, Hood's division moved by way of Cul- 
peper Court House to Fredericksburg on the Rappahannock, 
halting and staying at first one point and then another on the 
route, for periods of from two to ten days — its longest stop 
being at Culpeper. That its marching was slow is evident 
from the fact that it was not until August 3rd that it reached 
and camped on the south side of the Rapidan, near Raccoon 
ford. Thence, it proceeded to Fredericksburg, where, for 
three weeks, it rested undisturbed by any call to active duty. 
Along the Rapidan and the upper waters of the Rappahan- 
nock, but too far away for Hood's men to hear even the echoes 
of the guns fired, there was much marching and countermarch- 
ing, and many skirmishes, but knowing that the corps of Hill 
and Ewell, and Stuart's cavalry, were the only troops engaged, 
they stood indifferent. " Let 'em fight, let 'em fight," said a 
Texan ; " it's high time they were doin' it, durn 'em. If the 
cavalry had kept its place on our right, and if Hill and Ewell's 
men had come half-way up to the scratch over yonder at 
Gettysburg, we'd be feasting to-day on brotherly love at Phila- 
delphia, or on terrapin and canvas-back ducks at Baltimore 
instead of being down here in old Virginia nibbling carefully 
at our rations lest they run short. Let 'em fight — it's not our 

While neither the fall of Vicksburg nor the reverse with 
which the Army of Northern Virginia met at Gettysburg 
weakened its confidence in the final success of the Confeder- 
acy, the former event had the effect of curtailing rations. Up 
to that time the hunger with which it had suffered was due to 
the failures of commissary trains to keep in touch with the 
troops they supplied — now it was due to the inability of the 
Commissary Department to supply the rations needed ; up to 
that date the soldiers stayed hungry only until the wagons 
came up — now they stayed so all the time, the ration issued 


having been reduced so largely in quantity. Texas could no 
longer be depended on for herds of beeves, and economy be- 
came the rule enforced by the Commissary-General. 

September 3rd Hood's division moved down the river to 
Bowling Green, a little town on the south side of the Rappa- 
hannock, twenty miles below Fredericksburg. Here it re- 
mained a few days, when it and McLaws' division was ordered 
south to reinforce the army commanded by General Bragg, 
then somewhere in the vicinity of Chattanooga, Tenn. The 
situation in September, 1863, was not comforting to the South, 
and many viewed it with grave apprehension. The fall of 
Vicksburg and the unrestrained possession and control it gave 
the Federals of the Mississippi River, divided the Confederacy 
into two distinct theaters of war, neither of which could aid 
the other in men, material or food supplies. It was now pro- 
posed by the military authorities of the North to cut in twain 
that part of the South east of the Mississippi, and a large and 
well-appointed Union army, under command of General Rose- 
crans, was now moving toward the northern borders of Georgia 
— its aim a march through that State to the sea — its objective 
point, Savannah, Ga. From west of the Mississippi, the 
Trans-Mississippi Department, so-called, no aid to the Con- 
federate armies east of that stream could be expected ; Ten- 
nessee and a large part of Mississippi were in the possession of 
the Union forces ; the Confederate States lying along the At- 
lantic and Gulf of Mexico were largely exhausted of supplies, 
and altogether, the situation was one for serious concern. 

To drive the advancing Federal armies out of Tennessee, 
Mississippi, and perhaps, Kentucky, was the need of the hour, 
and to aid in the accomplishment of that purpose, two divisions 
of Longstreet's corps were detached from the Army of 
Northern Virginia and ordered to the reinforcement of Bragg's 
army. More was hoped for from the movement than in rea- 
son should have been expected. General Braxton Bragg did 
not prove capable of profiting by the aid given himself and his 
army. The successes gained were not followed up as they 
should have been. 

At what date the Texas Brigade took train at Richmond 
cannot be stated. It started, and made the journey down to 
Georgia, in unseated flat and box cars — slept on the floors and 


tops of these as best it could — and subsisted on hard-tack and 
uncooked bacon. Save at Wilmington, N. C, where it stayed 
a day and night and made its only change of train, it had 
no relief between Richmond and Atlanta from the constant 
joltings of springless freight cars running over roadbeds 
made rough by constant usage, and seldom repaired. It ar- 
rived at Atlanta on the morning of September 17, and on the 
18th boarded a train that carried it to Ringgold, Ga., to the 
near vicinity of which General Bragg had suffered his army 
driven. Thence, about mid-day, it marched westward, toward 
the Chickamauga River and the enemy. Late in the afternoon 
a body of Federal cavalry appeared in its front, but was soon 
put to flight by Forrest's Confederate cavalry. The brigade, 
however, was called into line of battle. While thus formed, 
General Hood, last seen by it at Gettysburg where he was 
crippled in the arm, rode from the front, mounted on the 
sturdy roan horse, " Jeff Davis," that he usually rode in bat- 
tle. It was with difficulty that a shout of welcome was re- 
pressed lest it give notice to the enemy that Confederate in- 
fantry was at hand. But every hat was lifted in acknowledg- 
ment of Hood's presence as he passed through the line to take 
his place in its rear. 

A few minutes later the Terry Rangers — Eighth Texas cav- 
alry — passed along in the rear of the brigade. It was the first 
Texas command we had met since the beginning of the war, 
and as many of them were personally known to us, salutations 
were exchanged by the lifting of hats and the waving of 

Next to the Fourth and Fifth Texas — the First Texas, it 
must be remembered, straggled to Virginia — the Rangers were 
the first Texas command to volunteer for service east of the 
Mississippi River. Its ranks filled by the flower of the Lone 
Star State, it was not long in gaining a reputation for daring 
that, while seemingly reckless, was too resolute to bring dis- 
aster. Its victories many, its defeats few, we Texans of the 
Virginia army watched its career with an interest not felt in 
any other troops from our State. In sober truth, it was the 
only body of Texas cavalry which, emulating the bravery 
and heroism of Bonham, Travis, Crockett and their com- 
patriots in the Alamo, had won distinction, and for that rea- 


son the members of the First, Fourth and Fifth Texas recog- 
nized and hailed its members as kindred spirits. 

The Federal cavalry dispersed, the Texas Brigade again 
moved forward, and about midnight crossed the Chickamauga 
on Reid's bridge, and filing to the left a short distance beyond 
the stream, bivouacked for the night. The march from Ring- 
gold had been long and fatiguing, and nobody had the heart 
to blame the boys of the Third Arkansas infantry for surrep- 
titiously impressing into their service the fifty odd horses of 
the Third Arkansas cavalry, of Harrison's cavalry brigade, 
whose riders had carelessly tied them in fence corners by the 
road-side. The victims of the joke, however, found compensa- 
tion for it when they accepted the invitation extended in the 
following lines, written on a scrap of paper that was tacked 
to a tree: 

" Tired of long walking and needing a rest, 
Your steeds we have gratefully seized and impressed, 
Feeling it but fair you should do a little walking, 
And put yourself where you can do a lot of talking 
With the Third Arkansas infantry, your old friends and neigh- 
Who have come from Virginia to share in your labors, 
And, the Lord being willing, the Yankees to smite 
And set them to running with all of their might. 
We'll camp, beyond doubt, after a while, 
Though you may have to foot it, mile after mile; 
But come till you find us — it will give you exercise, 
As well as a heart for gallant enterprise 
When, the Yanks on the run, we follow them close, 
And of bullets and steel, give them a dose." 

Because of his loss of a leg at Chickamauga, General Hood 
made no official report of the part taken by his division in that 
bloody engagement. If General Robertson or the regimental 
commanders of the Texas Brigade made reports they have 
been lost, and at any rate, are not accessible. The only ac- 
count Hood gave of the battle appears in his book, " Advance 
and Retreat." This is in the nature of a reminiscence, and 
as such, comes well within the province of a narrative in which 
military technicalities are eschewed as far as they may be 
without risk of inaccuracies. He writes : 

John D. Murray 
Company F, Fourth Texas Regiment 



I arrived at Ringgold, Georgia, on the afternoon of September 
18th, 1863, and there received an order from General Bragg to 
proceed on the road to Reid's bridge, and assume command of the 
column then advancing on the Federals. I had my horse to leap 
from the train, mounted with one arm in a sling, and, about 3 
p. M., joined our forces, then under the direction of General Bush- 
rod Johnson and in line of battle. A small body of Federal cav- 
alry was posted upon an eminence a short distance beyond. On 
my arrival upon the field I met for the first time after the charge 
at Gettysburg a portion of my old troops, who received me with a 
touching welcome. After a few words of greeting exchanged with 
General Johnson, I assumed command in accordance with the in- 
structions I had received, ordered the line to be broken by filing 
into the road, sent a few picked men to the front in support 
of Forrest's cavalry, and began to drive the enemy at a rapid 

In a short time we arrived at Reid's bridge across the Chicka- 
mauga, and discovered the Federals drawn up in battle array be- 
yond the bridge, which they had partially destroyed. I ordered 
forward some pieces of artillery, opened fire, and, at the same 
time, threw out flankers to effect a crossing above and below and 
join in the attack. Our opponents quickly retreated. We repaired 
the bridge, and continued to advance till darkness closed in on us, 
when we bivouacked in line, near a beautiful residence which had 
been fired by the enemy, and was then almost burned to the 
ground. We had driven the Federals back a distance of six or 
seven miles. Meantime, the main body of army crossed the Chick- 
amauga at different points, and concentrated that night in the vi- 
cinity of my command. 

General Bragg having formed the plan of attack next morning, 
I was given, in addition to my own division, the direction of Ker- 
shaw's and Johnson's divisions, with orders to continue the ad- 
vance. We soon encountered the enemy in strong force, and a 
heavy engagement ensued. All that day we fought, slowly but 
steadily gaining ground. Fierce and desperate grew the conflict, 
as the foe stubbornly yielded before our repeated assaults; we 
drove him, step by step, a distance of fully one mile, when night- 
fall brought about a cessation of hostilities, and the men slept 
upon their arms. 

In the evening, according to my custom in Virginia under Gen- 
eral Lee, I rode back to army headquarters to report to the 
commander-in-chief the result of the day upon my part of the 
line. I there met for the first time several of the principal officers 
of the Army of Tennessee, and, to my surprise, not one spoke in 


a sanguine tone regarding the result of the battle in which we 
were then engaged. I found the gallant Breckenridge, whom I 
had known from early youth, seated by the root of a tree, with 
a heavy slouch hat upon his head. When in the course of a brief 
conversation, I stated that we would rout the enemy the following 
day, he sprang to his feet, exclaiming, " My dear Hood, I am 
delighted to hear you say so. You give me renewed hope; God 
grant it may be so ! " 

After receiving orders from General Bragg to advance the 
next morning as soon as the troops on my right moved to the at- 
tack, I returned to the position occupied by my forces, and camped 
the remainder of the night with General Buckner, as I had noth- 
ing with me save that which I had brought from the train upon 
my horse. Nor did my men have a single wagon, or even ambu- 
lance in which to convey the wounded. They were destitute of 
almost everything, I might say, except pride, spirit, and forty 
rounds of ammunition to the man. 

During that night, after a hard day's fight by his old and 
trusty troops, General Longstreet joined the army. He reported 
to General Bragg after I had left army headquarters, and, the 
next morning, when I had arranged my columns for the attack 
and was awaiting the signal on the right to advance, he rode up, 
and joined me. He inquired concerning the formation of my 
lines, the spirit of our troops, and the effect produced upon the 
enemy by our assault. I informed him that the feeling of officers 
and men was never better, that we had driven the enemy fully 
one mile the day before, and that we would rout him bfore sun- 
set. This distinguished general instantly responded with the con- 
fidence that had so often contributed to his extraordinary success, 
that we would of course whip and drive him from the field. I 
could but exclaim that J was rejoiced to hear him so express him- 
self, as he was the first general I had met since my arrival who 
talked of victory. 

He was assigned to the direction of the left wing, and placed 
me in command of five divisions: Kershaw's, A. P. Stewart's, 
Bushrod Johnson's, and Hindman's, together with my own. The 
latter formed the center of my line, with Hindman upon my left, 
Johnson and Stewart on the right, and Kershaw in reserve. About 
9 a. m. the firing on the right commenced ; we immediately ad- 
vanced and engaged the enemy, when followed a terrible roar of 
musketry from right to left. Onward we moved, nerved with a 
determination to become masters of that hotly contested field. We 
wrestled with the resolute foe till about 2.30 p. m., when, from a 
skirt of timber to our left, a body of Federals rushed down upon 


the immediate flank and rear of the Texas Brigade, which was 
forced to suddenly change front. 

Some confusion necessarily arose. I was at the time on my 
horse, upon a slight ridge about three hundred yards distant, 
and galloped down the slope, in the midst of the men, who speed- 
ily corrected their alignment. At this moment, Kershaw's splen- 
did division, led by its gallant commander, came forward, as 
Hindman advanced to the attack a little further to the left. Ker- 
shaw's line formed, as it were, an angle with that of the Federal 
line, then in full view in an open space near the wood. I rode 
rapidly to his command, ordered a change of front forward on 
his right, which was promptly executed under a galling fire. With 
a shout along my entire front, the Confederates rushed forward, 
penetrated into the wood, over and beyond the enemy's breast- 
works, and thus achieved another glorious victory for our arms. 
About this time I was pierced with a minie-ball in the upper 
third of the right leg; I turned from my horse upon the side of 
the crushed limb, and fell — strange to say, since I was com- 
manding five divisions — into the arms of some of the troops of my 
old brigade, which I had directed so long a period, and upon so 
many fields of battle. 

Long and constant service with this noble brigade must prove 
sufficient apology for a brief reference, at this juncture, to its 
extraordinary military record from the hour of its first encounter 
with the enemy at Eltham's Landing, on York River, in 1862, to 
the surrender at Appomattox Court House. In almost every 
battle in Virginia it bore a conspicuous part. It acted as the ad- 
vance guard of Jackson when he moved upon McClellan, around 
Richmond; and almost, without an exceptional instance, it was 
amongst the foremost of Longstreet's corps in an attack or pur- 
suit of the enemy. It was also, as a rule, with the rear guard of 
this corps, whenever falling back before the adversary. If a 
ditch was to be leaped, or fortified position to be carried, General 
Lee knew no better troops upon which to rely. In truth, its signal 
achievements in the war of secession have never been surpassed 
in the history of nations. 

The members of this heroic band were possessed of a streak 
of superstition, as in fact I believe all men to be ; and it may here 
prove of interest to cite an instant thereof. I had a favorite roan 
horse, named by them, ' Jeff Davis " ; whenever he was in con- 
dition I rode him in battle, and, remarkable as it may seem, he 
generally received the bullets and bore me unscathed. In this 
battle he was severely wounded on Saturday; the following day, 
I was forced to resort to a valuable mare in my possession, and 


late in the afternoon was shot from the saddle. At Gettysburg 
I had been unable to mount him on the field, in consequence of 
lameness; in this engagement I had also been shot from the sad- 
dle. Thus the belief among the men became nigh general that, 
when mounted on old Jeff, the bullets could not find me. This 
spirited and fearless animal performed his duty throughout the 
war, after which he received tender care from General Jefferson 
and family, of Seguin, Texas, until death, when he was buried 
with appropriate honors. 

General Hood parted from his old brigade and division on 
that second day of battle at Chickamauga. Never again did 
he command the division, or come in touch with the brigade. 
For " distinguished conduct and ability in the battle of the 
29th," he was recommended for promotion by General Long- 
street, and on the 1st of February, 1864, was commissioned 
as a lieutenant-general, and assigned to the command of a 
corps in the Army of the Tennessee, then under the leadership 
of General Joseph E. Johnston. 

A mutual confidence and trust, a mutual admiration and 
love existed between John B. Hood and the Texas Brigade. 
Each felt it was indebted, and each was grateful to the other. 
If to Hood's training, teaching and example, was largely due 
the victories won by the brigade, it was none the less its cour- 
age, endurance and unconquerable spirit that uplifted and 
gave him distinction and promotion. Each trusted the other 
— Hood, that the brigade would accomplish all he asked of 
it — the Texas Brigade, that he would make no demand on it 
beyond its power. 

It was this feeling between them that prompted the brigade 
to adopt and cling to the distinctive title of " Hood's " Texas 
Brigade — it was this feeling that was uppermost in the mind 
of Hood, when at Chickamauga, believing himself, perhaps, 
mortally wounded, he fell from his horse into the waiting arms 
of members of his old brigade, and as he fell, gave his last 
order on that field, " Go ahead, and keep ahead of every- 
thing," in the words of the command they had so often heard 
him shout to them in Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania. 
The insistence of the survivors of the command to which that 
order was addressed on being known as members of Hood's 
Texas Brigade, is not intended as a disparagement of the 

Captain J. T. Hunter 
Company H, Fourth Texas Regiment 



military ability of their subsequent brigade commanders, Gen- 
erals Jerome B. Robertson and John Gregg. Each of these 
was brave and capable and his memory is yet cherished in the 
hearts of the soldiers he commanded; but neither had the per- 
sonal magnetism of Hood, nor the swinging dash and reck- 
less yet cool disregard of danger, which, from the outset, won 
the love and admiration of a brigade largely composed of boys 
just flowering into manhood. And, although both Robertson 
and Gregg had lived many years in Texas, neither made as 
just an estimate as Hood, of Texas character, nor felt and 
acted in such accord with it. 

The larger part of the fighting done at Chickamauga was 
in the somber shadows of thick growths of large pine timber. 
The soil sterile, it was only now and then that a clearing gave 
the combatants access to uninterrupted sunlight. Under the 
trees there was much undergrowth of various kinds. It was 
difficult for an officer on horseback to get an extended view 
in any direction, and to footmen it was simply impossible. 
Short as was the line occupied by the Texas Brigade, neither 
flank of it could be seen from the other. Therefore, when 
it is told that the First, Fourth and Fifth Texas and the 
Third Arkansas went into action side by side, were met by a 
murderous fire of artillery and musketry, and, by resolute and 
steady advance and more than one seemingly desperate charge, 
drove the men from the Western States who so largely com- 
posed Rosecrans' army, a distance of fully one mile, about 
all is said that can be, in description of the fight made by the 
Texas Brigade on the 19th of September. 

As a rule, the Western men of Rosecrans' army were as 
pluck}' as the Southerners in the " stand-up-and-fire " or the 
" lie-down-and-shoot " fights that were so much in vogue in 
both Rosecrans' and Bragg's armies. As said by Bill Cal- 
houn, " at them ar games, they was powerful hard to handle." 

Unaccustomed, though, to have their antagonists rush 
against their lines in the wild charges so common in Virginia, 
the Western men were about as easily forced out of the way 
of the Texas Brigade as had been the foes of that command 
in the State mentioned. It was a Spanish officer who, as he 
tendered his sword to his captor at San Juan, Cuba, said in 
indignant tone : " You Americans do not fight like gentle- 


men — you rush right up to us and make a personal affair of 
a battle that should be strictly impersonal." Just so may 
have thought the Western men we encountered at Chicka- 
mauga. Whether they did or not, it is but justice to say that 
when driven from a position by a charge, they hung together 
well, and soon recovering from their consternation, formed in 
battle array at the next good position, ready for the next 
charge, and that while such charges were being made and until 
we were quite near them, they fired with an accuracy that in- 
flicted great loss on their assailants. 

Referring to official reports and histories for positions of 
the opposing forces and general description of the battles of 
the 19th and 20th, place will now be given to an account writ-, 
ten by a participant from the view-point accessible to soldiers 
who moved in line with, or, as officers, close in rear of their 

" Notwithstanding its long and weary tramp of the day 
before, the Texas Brigade was early astir on the morning of 
September 19. While munching hard-tack and nibbling at the 
rancid bacon issued to us at Atlanta, the one absorbing ques- 
tion of the hour was * What next? ' Not a soul of us dreamed 
that we were then within two miles of fully 45,000 Yankees, 
and that before the day ended we would be wresting with them 
in deadly battle. The firing we had heard the day before 
came, we supposed, from opposing bodies of cavalry, and as 
the cavalry we were accustomed to in Virginia had never been 
in sight when we got within ten miles of any considerable body 
of armed Federal infantry, we took it for granted that ' hoofing 
it ' would be the program of the day. It was, therefore, with 
astonishment we listened, when Captain Howdy Martin came 
down from ' Aunt Pollie's ' headquarters and announced, not 
only the near proximity of the Federal army, but the prob- 
ability that before noon we would be engaged. 

" We had barely regained the composure old Howdy's an- 
nouncement robbed us of, when there broke upon our ears a 
terrifying roar, the like of which we had never heard in our 
lives. It came from the direction of Chattanooga, from some 
place quite a distance from us, and it appeared to be station- 
ary. The earth beneath us seemed to tremble with its con- 
cussions, the trees above us to rock back and forth. 


a i 

It's a tornado,' ventured one fellow ; ' I was right in the 
middle of one, up about Dallas, Texas, four years ago, and it 
roared just like this does. It's time we were hunting for 
holes, I reckon,' and he began looking around in search of 

" ' It's a stampede of beeves,' volunteered a Texas cow-boy, 
as he measured with his eyes the girth and height of the tall 
pine trees beneath which we stood ; ' and by the Lord Harry, 
boys, there must be a million of 'em or they wouldn't make 
such a racket. If there was a tree in sight that I thought 
I could climb, you wouldn't catch me standing here — I'd be 
up on its topmost limb.' 

" ' You are all mistaken, gentlemen,' interposed the wise 
man, a school teacher, who, like the jester, Wamba, in the 
story of Ivanhoe, believed in the doctrine held by Oldhelm of 
Malmsbury, ' Better a fool at a feast, than a wise man at a 
fray.' ' It is an earthquake — an upheaval of the crust of the 
earth, that is tumbling Lookout, and half a dozen other moun- 
tains into the Tennessee River. Do you not feel the trembling 
of the ground under us, and see the swaying of the tree- 
tops ? ' 

" For two seconds the earthquake theory held our minds 
fast-bound by its appalling terrors ; then the irreverent dare- 
devil of the regiment came to the rescue. Addressing the wise 
man, he said: 'It's your cowardly legs, Mr. School Master, 
that are doing all the trembling and making you imagine the 
tree-tops are swaying. That isn't an earthquake, a stampede, 
or a tornedo — it's music. All the bands in the Yankee army 
are playing, " Hell Broke Loose in Georgia." I've danced all 
night, many a time, to the tune, but d — d if I ever heard it 
played quite so loud.' 

" The laugh that all joined in, dissipated the solemnity that 
was fast stealing upon our minds, and just then a comrade who 
a little while ago had visited friends in Bragg's army, re- 
marked : ' You are all mistaken, boys, and you will find out 
you are, sooner than you care for. That is the noise of a 
battle between large forces of Yankees and Confederates.' 

" 'You are joking, Patterson — you are surely joking,' said 
an officer ; ' that noise is stationary. It neither approaches 
nor recedes, as it would were troops engaged in battle, and 


advancing and retreating, as one or the other side gained or 

"' I thought just that way, Captain, the first time I heard 
such a noise,' rejoined Patterson. ' But I soon learned bet- 
ter. These Yankees and Confederates here in Tennessee and 
Georgia don't fight like we do in Virginia — they just get 
within fairly close range of each other, and then coming to 
a halt, indulge in a stand-up-and-fight, or a lie-down-and-shoot 
game ; there is no charging and counter-charging. When one 
side gets all the punishment it can stand, it quits, and the 
victory is awarded to the other side.' 

" As usual, Bill Calhoun claimed the last word. ' Well, 
boys,' he said, ' if we have to stand up or lie down in a straight 
line, and let the Yankees shoot at us as long as they want to, 
this old Texas Brigade is going to run like h — 11.' 

" An hour passed. Then the brigade was called to atten- 
tion, and moving forward a mile or more, it halted a half a 
mile in rear of the troops then holding our front. There we 
remained fully three hours, at first giving undivided atten- 
tion to the desultory firing in progress, and then relaxing from 
strain, falling into an exchange of gossip and pleasantries — 
the latter, aimed as a rule, at Confederates who expected to 
win battles without charges. Habe Brahan and myself, I 
recollect, had a long conversation over long-past college hap- 
penings, with Captain Jemmison of the First Texas, who had 
been one of our class-mates. 

" Toward the close of the long wait, Jack Sutherland and I 
indulged in a friendly smoke and chat. We were both puffing 
at our pipes when the command, ' Attention ! ' was given. 
Jack at once removed his pipe from his lips, and surmising his 
purpose I said, ' Go on with your smoking, man — it'll be an 
hour before we get under fire.' 6 No, I'll not smoke any more, 
just now,' he replied, and knocking the ashes and embers from 
the pipe, he stuck it in his pocket. I held on to mine ; it was my 
last pipeful of the Zarvona tobacco I had brought with me from 
Virginia, and I felt bound to realize the full benefit of it. But 
I did not. 

" Within three minutes a fierce battle began at the front, 
and the brigade moved into line of battle — the movement has- 
tened by the divers and sundry bullets, round shot and shells 


that came flying in our direction. Jack and I stood side by 
side, and I was still smoking. General Hood rode back from 
the front, and as he passed through our line on his way to its 
rear, was greeted by a shout of welcome. He had not gone 
twenty yards to the rear, though, when a solid shot or shell 
struck the ground about thirty feet in front of Jack and my- 
self, and ricochetting, passed over, but so close to our heads 
that I felt the wind of it. It scared me, and, I am confident, 
my face turned white as a sheet. I pulled my hat down over 
my pallid countenance, and, fear loving company as well as 
misery does, stole a glance at Jack's face, and to my relief, 
it was as white as I believed my own to be. It is hardly neces- 
sary to add that I ceased to smoke, and so lost the benefit of 
half a pipeful of precious Zarvona. 

" In another minute the order was given to forward. We 
had not gone far when we met the troops we were going to rein- 
force. Of what command they were, I have never learned. 
They came toward us in squads, and, though not running, 
were not idling by the wayside. ' You fellers'll catch h — 11 in 
thar,' one of them shouted as he came near us ; ' them fellers 
out thar you ar goin' up agin, ain't none of the blue-bellied, 
white-livered Yanks an' sassidge-eatin' forrin hirelin's you have 
in Virginny that'll run at the snap of a cap — they are Western 
fellers, an' they'll mighty quick give you a bellyful o' fightinV 

" A hundred yards further the Federals caught sight of us, 
and their bullets as well as the shot and shell from their well- 
served artillery came fast and furiously at us, many of our 
bravest and best falling, dead or wounded, before they pulled 
a trigger. For almost a minute we failed to locate their line. 
Then we discovered they were lying down, and shooting from 
behind trees, fallen logs and other cover, and we commenced 
firing as we advanced rapidly toward them. Their main body 
gave way before our impetuous rush, but with a reluctance that 
was not encouraging, and formed another line a hundred yards 
in rear of the first. Such of them, though, as had shelter, 
stood their ground behind it and fought gamely until disabled, 
or surrounded and forced to surrender. The need to capture 
such squads compelled our folks to make the battle somewhat 
personal and individual, and while as a command the brigade 
moved steadily on, its units fought on their own hook. 


" In timber as thick as that in which the battle raged that 
afternoon, it was impossible for one in the ranks to see what 
was happening to right or left. To do his share of the work 
on hand, he could only look straight before him, and tackle 
the foe immediately facing him. Doing that with all my 
might and will, incidents occurred within twenty yards of me, 
to the right or left, that were wholly unwitnessed by me. The 
truth is, that along about then, the only incidents in which 
I was particularly interested, were those in which I was myself 
figuring. All too soon for my comfort, one of these happened, 
and called a peremptory halt on the assistance I was then 
giving the Confederacy. Placed hors-de-combat, I hastened 
from the firing line, and hence have no personal knowledge of 
what transpired that day, or the next. But I heard a great 
deal, and part of that hearsay will now be related. 

" At home, Jack Sutherland was known as an ardent and 
indefatigable, if not mighty, Nimrod. His acquaintance with 
the habits and haunts of deer, turkeys and smaller game, his 1 
unerring aim, and his trusty rifle, kept his father's table well 
supplied with fresh meat. The same qualities that made him 
a successful hunter in the wilds of Texas, stood him in good 
stead when, as a soldier in battle, or as a scout or skirmisher, 
his marksmanship was employed against human beings. Dur- 
ing the second day's battle at Chickamauga, Jack pressed far 
to the front in search of the human game then being hunted. 
Catching sight of a rock from behind which a lone Mississip- 
pian, obviously an estray from his own command, was firing 
at the enemy, he made for it. 4 Glad to see you, comrade — 
glad to have you with me,' said the Mississippian as Jack 
found a place beside him ; ' I've been having a little picnic here 
all by myself, and have got lonesome. Help me send some of 
those Yankees over yonder to kingdom come, will you? ' ' Of 
course I will,' said Jack, as he took aim at one of the blue- 
coated gentry; ' that's just what I came for.' 

" Loading and firing as rapidly as they could, the two had 
laid more than one enemy low, when, close on their right, a 
hundred or so Georgians appeared, and each from behind his 
own tree or rock, commenced firing. They were all that was 
left of Benning's Georgia Brigade of Hood's division, but the 
fight was not yet knocked out of them. They were busy load- 


ing and firing, when ' Old Rock,' — that was the pet name for 
General Benning — rode up behind them and shouted, ' G — d 
d — n you, men, get from behind those trees and rocks, and 
give 'em hell ! ' The words were hardly uttered before a shell 
came along, killed ' Old Rock's ' horse, and tumbling the lion- 
hearted rider sprawling on the ground, gave him an instant 
change of view. Springing to his feet unhurt, he shouted, 
6 G — d d — n you, men, stay behind those trees and give 'em 

" Five minutes passed. Then, as Jack stood on his feet to 
take aim, a low-flying fragment of a bursted shell cut in two 
the straps of both his canteen and haversack, and plowed 
a furrow across his right shoulder. The blood spurted from 
the wound, and realizing the need of surgical aid, Jack decided 
to quit the picnic ground, and make his way back to the field 
hospital. As he turned to go, the Mississippian cried, * Leave 
me your cartridge box, Texas — mine is empty, and I want to 
stay here as long as there is light enough to get a bead on a 
Yankee.' ' Cut it off me, then,' said Jack, and that done, he 
left the gallant Mississippian to continue the fight alone. 

" In Company D, of the Fourth Texas, was a German, Julius 
Glazer. On the afternoon of the 19th — Jack Sutherland says 
it was the 20th, but he is mistaken — twenty odd of the bravest 
of the many brave men in the army commanded by General 
Rosecrans, gathered together in and behind a dilapidated log 
house built for a blacksmith's shop, and resolved from that 
point of vantage to contest the advance of the Texas Brigade 
as long as possible. The house stood at the far edge of the 
wood through which the brigade was making its way, and on 
account of intervening timber and undergrowth, could be 
seen from only a few points along our line. The fire from 
it was rapid and damaging, but for quite a while our folks 
failed to discover whence it came. Glazer was the first to 
locate the spot, and springing forward with a shout, he made 
for the house, followed, as soon as they saw his purpose, by 
ten to fifteen First, Fourth and Fifth Texans and Third Ar- 
kansans. Their attention directed to Texans on their left 
who just then came within their view, the Federals at the 
house had no warning of Glazer's approach until, when within 
twenty feet of it, he called on them to surrender. 


" To this demand the Federals replied by firing half a dozen 
times at Glazer, and inflicting upon him a couple of flesh- 
wounds. He acknowledged the courtesy shown him by a more 
effective shot from his own gun, wounding one of the Federals 
mortally. But before he could lower his gun, and with the 
bayonet it carried, guard against attack, two men ran from 
behind the house and plunged their bayonets into his body. In 
all reason, Glazer should have fallen to the ground, and laid 
there content. But he did not ; he simply sprang back, and 
reached for a cartridge. Unwilling to risk a loaded gun in 
his hands, the two men again rushed at him with levelled 
bayonets, and in the desperate fight that followed, he placed 
one of these hors-de-combat. His remaining antagonist was 
instantly reinforced by another couple of Federals, and Glazer 
fought the three, and held them at bay, until the comrades who 
had followed his lead came up and shot down two of the as- 
sailants, and the other escaped into the house. 

" ' Surrender,' was the cry of the Confederates — ' Take us 
if you can,' the answer of the still defiant Federals. And with 
a pluck useless to themselves, and to the assaulting party, dan- 
gerous, the Federals held the house until half of them dead 
or wounded, the remainder acknowledged themselves prisoners. 
Then and then only, did Julius Glazer remember his hurts and 
quit fighting. 

" To the question why they did not shoot Glazer instead of 
attacking him with the bayonet, the lieutenant in command of 
the squad of Federals replied : ' Because he was a mere boy, 
and after he fired his one shot we thought it would be cowardly 
to shoot him. But if the fighting he did against two of our 
best men at first, and then against three, and that too, after 
he was four times wounded, is a sample of what you Texans are 
in the habit of doing, I am going to throw up my commission 
and return to peaceful pursuits. 5 

? » 


Chattanooga and Knoxville 

The Confederates victorious, the Union army in swift de- 
moralized flight, now was the time, it would seem, for instant 
vigorous pursuit, or for well-planned flank movement — the one 
promising its measure of advantage — the other, insuring the 
expulsion of the Federal forces from Tennessee and Kentucky 
and access to large fields of supply for the now half-starving 
Southern armies east of the Mississippi. But General Bragg 
neither pursed nor flanked ; instead, he held his troops inactive 
until, recovering breath and wits, the Federals fortified and 
intrenched themselves at Chattanooga, and then moved his 
army within artillery range of their lines and proceeded to in- 
vest the city on the east, the only side of it from which his 
opponent could have no hope of drawing supplies — a course 
that rendered fruitless a victory gained at such cost of blood 
and life. It was what General Rosecrans, the Federal com- 
mander, most preferred that Bragg should do ; Chattanooga 
was impregnable by direct assault, and with his lines of com- 
munication with Nashville unbroken, Rosecrans had well- 
founded hope of maintaining his army and holding his posi- 
tion until reinforcements arrived. 

The Texas Brigade devoted the 21st of September to rest 
and recuperation. A thousand miles of rough travel, the long 
and rapid march of the 18th, and the two days of strain and 
hard fighting its men had undergone, had well-nigh exhausted 
their energies. That day, Jenkins' South Carolina brigade 
joined Hood's division, to which it had been previously as- 
signed, at the request of General Longstreet. Ranking Gen- 
eral Law by seniority, General Jenkins at once relieved that 
officer of the command of the division. This was not pleasing 
to the Texas regiments. They had been too long associated 
with Law's brigade, and too often under Law's command, not 



to know and place a high estimate on his courage and ability, 
and to regard him as the logical successor of General Hood. 
But the right of protest was not theirs, and they fought as 
hard and desperately under Jenkins as they would have fought 
under Law. 

On the morning of the 22nd, Hood's division marched in a 
direction that if pursued would have taken it to the Ten- 
nessee River some distance above Chattanooga. That night 
it bivouacked in the woods, and resuming the march next 
morning, had not gone a mile when it filed squarely off to the 
left on a road leading toward Lookout Mountain, in the 
shadows of which, that afternoon, it found its position in the 
line of investment. There, about a mile and a half east of the 
northern foot of Lookout Mountain, its camp just in rear of 
the first line of breastworks it ever built, the Texas Brigade lay 
idle and inactive, save for the picket duty its men did along 
Chattanooga Creek, until the afternoon of October 28th — 
time hanging as heavily on its hands as the rations on which 
it subsisted did to its stomachs. It was not accustomed to an 
unvarying diet of corn meal and lean beef, the only rations 
issued, and to the muddy and tepid water that alone was ac- 
cessible to its camp, and bowel complaints prevailed to an 
alarming extent. Even the privilege of scouting, so liberally 
extended in the Virginia army, was denied them. 

However, the 28th of October brought removal from the 
line and relief from an idleness that bred discontent. Two 
Federal corps from the Army of the Potomac, under com- 
mand of " Fighting Joe " Hooker, having crossed the Ten- 
nessee River at Bridgeport, thirty miles below Chattanooga, 
were moving to the relief of Rosecrans' partly hemmed-in army, 
and were to camp that night in the vicinity of Wauhatchie, a 
hamlet just east of Raccoon Mountain, and about two miles 
west of Lookout Mountain. It was the opportunity for which 
General Jenkins had been praying. Hood was sure to be pro- 
moted to higher rank — his old division must have its own ma- 
jor-general, and why should it not be Major-General Jenkins? 
And to help along such a consummation, Jenkins proposed to 
lead Hood's division around Lookout Point, and with it, make 
a moonlight attack on Hooker's command. Longstreet was 
more than willing that Jenkins should win the coveted rank 


— Law and he had never been in agreeable accord — and to 
make sure of success, promised to order McLaws' division to 
support Hood's. He failed to give the order, though, to Mc- 
Laws, and so Jenkins went unaided. 

The plan of assault was well conceived, but its execution and 
success were frustrated by many blunders, the unwillingness of 
the veteran troops of the division to engage in a night attack, 
and the halt of Jenkins' own brigade at the very crisis of the 
affair to plunder the wagon-trains it had captured. Of the 
Texas Brigade, only the Fourth Texas was ordered to the 
firing line. To it was assigned the duty of protecting General 
Law's right flank. But although it took position to do that 
effectively, its services were not called into requisition — such 
of the Alabamians as went to the front that night not stay- 
ing long enough to even smell danger. What happened to the 
Fourth Texas is graphically told by one of its members. Be- 
fore offering that, however, it is well to say that the affair 
of which it is a partial description is known in history as the 
battle of Wauhatchie, although always called by the Texas 
Brigade the battle of Raccoon Mountain. The Fourth Texan 

" I have often boasted that the Fourth Texas never showed 
its back to an enemy, but I am more modest since that little 
affair of October 28, known as the battle of Raccoon Moun- 
tain. There, the regiment not only showed its back, but stam- 
peded like a herd of frightened cattle, it being one of those 
cases when ' discretion is the better part of valor ' ; and, in- 
stead of being ashamed of the performance, we are merry over 
it. Raccoon and Lookout Mountains, you must know, are 
separated by Lookout Creek. Between the creek and Raccoon 
are half a dozen high, parallel ridges, whose tops are open and 
level enough for a road-way, and whose thickly timbered sides 
slope at angles of forty-five degrees, into deep, lonely hollows. 

" Hooker's corps, of the Federal army, coming up from 
Bridgeport to reinforce Rosecrans, camped on the night of the 
28th, in the vicinity of Raccoon. Imagining that here was an 
opportunity to win distinction, General Jenkins proposed to 
Longstreet to march Hood's division to the west side of Look- 
out Mountain, and by a night attack, capture * Fighting Joe ' 
Hooker l and his corps. Longstreet, of course, offered no 


objections; success would place as brilliant a feather in his 
cap as in that of Jenkins, while the blame of defeat would nec- 
essarily rest upon the projector of the affair. As for us poor 
devils in the ranks, we had no business to be there, if we hesi- 
tated to risk our lives in the interest of commanding officers. 

" The plan of operations appears to have been for Ben- 
ning's, Anderson's, and Jenkins's brigades to cross Lookout 
Creek two miles above its mouth, and, forming in line parallel 
with the Tennessee River, force the Yankees to surrender, or 
drive them into deep water; while the Texas and Law's bri- 
gades should occupy positions west of the creek, at right 
angles with the river, and prevent them from moving toward 
Lookout Mountain, and alarming Bragg's army. What be- 
came of the First Texas and Third Arkansas, I canriot say, 
every movement being made at night, but the Fifth Texas 
guarded the bridge, across which the Fourth marched and 
thence proceeded in the direction of Raccoon Mountain, climb- 
ing up and sliding down the steep sides of intervening ridges, 
until brought to a halt on the moon-lit top of the highest, and 
formed in line on the right of an Alabama regiment. 

" Here, in blissful ignorance of General Jenkins' plans, and 
unwarned by the glimmer of a fire or sound of a snore that 
the main body of the enemy lay asleep in the wide and deep 
depression between them and Raccoon, the spirits of the gal- 
lant Texans rose at once to the elevation of their bodies, and 
dropping carelessly on the ground, they proceeded to take 
their ease. But not long were they permitted thus to dally 
with stern and relentless fate. A gunshot, away off to the 
left, suddenly broke upon the stillness of the night, and was 
followed by others in rapid succession, until there was borne 
to our ears the roar of desperate battle, while the almost simul- 
taneous beating of the long roll in the hitherto silent depths 
below us, the loud shouts of officers, and all the indescribable 
noises and hubbub of a suddenly awakened and alarmed host 
of men, admonished us that we stood upon the outermost edge 
of a human volcano, which might soon burst forth in all its 
fury, and overwhelm us. 

" The dolce far niente to which, lulled by fancied security 
and the beautiful night, we had surrendered ourselves, van- 
ished as quickly as did the dreams of the Yankees. The emer- 


gency came unexpectedly, but none the less surely. Scouts dis- 
patched to the right, returned with the appalling intelligence 
that between the regiment and the river, half a mile away, not 
a Confederate was on guard; skirmishers sent to the front, re- 
ported that the enemy was approaching rapidly and in strong 
force. To add to the dismay created by such alarming intel- 
ligence, the thrilling whisper came from the left, that the Ala- 
bamians had gone ' hunting for tall timber ' in their rear. 
Thus deserted in a solitude soon to be invaded by a ruthless 
and devouring horde, the cheerless gloom of an exceeding 
great loneliness fell upon us like a pall — grew intense, when, 
not twenty feet away, we heard the laborious struggling and 
puffing of the Yankees as, on hostile thoughts intent, they 
climbed aiid pulled up the almost precipitous ascent — and be- 
came positively unbearable, when a dozen or more bullets from 
the left whistled down the line, and the mild beams of the full 
moon, glinting from what seemed to our agitated minds a 
hundred thousand bright gun-barrels, revealed the near and 
dangerous presence of the hated foe. 

" Then and there — deeming it braver to live than to die, and 
moved by thoughts of home and its loved ones — the officers and 
privates of the gallant and hitherto invincible Fourth Texas 
stood not upon the order of their going, but went with a ce- 
lerity and unanimity truly remarkable ; in short, they disap- 
peared bodily, stampeded nolens volens, and plunged reck- 
lessly into the umbrageous and shadowy depths behind them, 
their flight hastened by the loud huzzaing of the triumphant 
Yankees, and the echoing volleys they poured into the tree- 
tops, high above the heads of their retreating antagonists. 

" Once fairly on the run down the steep slope, voluntary 
halting became as impossible as it would have been indiscreet. 
Dark as it was among the somber shadows into which the flee- 
ing men plunged, the larger trees could generally be avoided, 
but when encountered, as too frequently for comfort they 
were, they wrought disaster to both body and clothing; but 
small ones bent before the wild, pell-mell rush, as from the 
weight and power of avalanche or hurricane. The speed at 
which I traveled, let alone the haunting apprehension of being 
gobbled up by a pursuing blue-coat, was not specially favor- 
able to close observation of comrades, but, nevertheless, I wit- 


nessed three almost contemporaneous accidents. One poor un- 
fortunate struck a tree so squarely and with such tremendous 
force, as not only to flatten his body against it and draw a 
sonorous groan from his lips, but to send his gun clattering 
against another tree. As a memento of the collision, he yet 
carries a face ragged enough to harmonize admirably with his 
tattered garments. Another fellow exclaimed, as, stepping on 
a round stone, his feet slipped from under him and he dropped 
to the ground with a resounding thud, ' Help, boys — help,' 
and then, with legs wide outspread, he went sliding down the 
hill, until, in a wholly involuntary attempt to pass upon both 
sides of a tree, he was brought to a sudden halt, or, as it 
might be called, a sit-still. 

" But adventure the third was the most comical of all. The 
human actor in it was a Dutchman by the name of Brigger; 
a fellow nearly as broad as he is long, who always carries a 
huge knapsack on his shoulders. Aided by this load, he struck 
a fair-sized sapling with such resistless momentum, that the 
little tree bent before him, and, straddling it and exclaiming 
in prayerful, not irreverent, accents, ' Jesus Christ and God 
Almighty,' with a long-drawn and lingering emphasis on the 
first word, he described a parabola in the air, and then drop- 
ping to the ground on all-fours, continued his downward career 
in that decidedly unmilitary fashion. His was the novelty 
and roughness of the ride, but alas, mine was all the loss ; for, 
as the sapling tumbled him off and essayed to straighten itself, 
an impudent branch of it caught my hat, and flung it at the 
man in the moon. Whether it ever reached its destination, I 
am unable to say — the time, the inclination and the ability to 
stop and see if it did were each sternly prohibited by the exi- 
gency of the occasion and the accelerating influence of gravi- 
tation. Anyhow, I am now wearing a cap, manufactured by 
myself, out of the nethermost extremity of a woolen overshirt, 
and having for a frontispiece a generous slice of a stirrup 
leather. Colonel Bane well deserves the loss he has sustained ; 
he is not only careless about his saddle, but, as well, of his 
head, on which he still bears a reminder of the battle of Rac- 
coon Mountain, in the shape of a very sore and red bump. 

" But to return to my story. Although I lost my hat, I 
neither lost physical balance, nor collided with a tree suffi- 


cientlj sturdy to arrest a fearfully swift descent, as did many 
of my comrades. Indeed, the scars imprinted upon the regi- 
mental physiognomy by large and small monarchs of the for- 
est, are yet numerous, and in some instances, were at first so 
disguising that the wearers were recognizable, for a day or 
two, only by their melodious voices. ' Honors ' were so ' easy ' 
in that respect, between the members of the regiment, officers 
as well as privates, that when they at last emerged from the 
darkness of the woods, and taking places in line, began to 
look at each other and recount experiences, their shouts of 
laughter must have reached old Joe Hooker. 

" One poor fellow, though, was too sore of body and down- 
cast in spirit, and had been too much trampled upon, to join 
in the mirth that prevailed. He was a litter-bearer, his name 
was Dennis, and he was six long feet in height, and Falstaffian 
in abdominal development. His position in the rear gave him 
the start in the stampede, and his avoirdupois enabled him to 
brush aside, or bear down, every obstacle encountered in his 
downward plunge. But his judgment was disastrously at 
fault. Forgetting the ditch-like drain that marked the line 
where descent of one hill ended and ascent of the other began, 
he tumbled, broadcast, into it. The fall knocked all the breath 
out of him, and he could only wriggle over on his broad back, 
and make a pillow for his head of one bank of the drain, and a 
resting-place for his number twelve feet, of the other. Lying 
there, his big body looked, in the moon-light, like a rather 
short butt cut off of the trunk of a large tree. 

" The litter-bearer had barely got himself in the comfort- 
able position described, when Bill Calhoun came plunging down 
the hill with a velocity that left a good-sized vacuum in his 
wake. Observant by nature, and made the more so by the 
fear that if he came to grief in his passage of the drain, the 
Yankees would capture him, Bill no sooner saw Dennis' re- 
cumbent body than, taking it for the log it appeared to be, 
and sure that it spanned the drain, he made a tremendous leap, 
and landed his foremost and heaviest foot right in the middle 
of Dennis' expansive corporosity, and on that particular part 
of it for which the owner had the most tender regard. The 
sudden compression produced by Bill's suddenly imposed 
weight, produced as sudden artificial respiration, and giving 


vent to a howl of agony, Dennis cried, ' For the Lord Al- 
mighty's sake, man, don't make a bridge of me!' Bill was 
startled, but did not lose his presence of mind, and shouting 
back, ' Lie still, old fellow — lie still ! The whole regiment has 
to cross yet, and you'll never have another such chance to 
serve your beloved country,' continued his flight at a speed 
but little abated by the rising ground before him." 

Hood's division did not again occupy any part of the line 
of investment — military operations were in contemplation in 
which it was to take part. On the day after the Wauhatchie, 
or Raccoon Mountain affair, the Texas Brigade hid itself 
from the prying e}^es of the enemy in the shady recesses of the 
timber that grew along the west side of Lookout Mountain, 
and there the Fourth Texas spent the hours of daylight in 
ascertaining and repairing the damages to persons and cloth- 
ing received during the stampede of the night before. The 
other brigades of Hood's division occupied the front along 
Lookout Creek — their object, to check any attack which the 
two Federal corps under General Hooker might be induced to 

On the afternoon of the 30th, some alarm occurring, the 
Texas Brigade climbed up the side of Lookout and took posi- 
tion in line under the frowning cliffs by which the level land 
on its top is encircled. Why it went so high was a question 
much discussed by the boys. A Fifth Texas man said to one 
of the Fourth Texas : " It's Aunt Pollie that's done it. He 
has heard of the speed you fellows made night before last in 
that stampede down-hill, and he has got an idea from it that 
he wants to test. If the Yankees line up anywhere below us, 
he is going to order the brigade to charge them. He calcu- 
lates, I reckon, that the force of gravity and the momentum 
we acquire will combine with our bravery to make the down- 
set — it'll be no onset, you know — absolutely irresistible, and 
that we'll knock the Yankees, guns and all, into Lookout 
Creek, and there let the last one of 'em drown." 

That night we bivouacked in line on ground so steep and so 
loosely covered with small shingle and rock that only by 
bracing our feet against trees could we avoid rolling down- 
hill. Indeed, many who were careless in lying down, or whose 

Company D, Fourth Texas Regiment 



slumbers were restless because of the roughness of their 
couches, did roll until brought to a halt by some obstacle 
firmly fixed in the ground ; and as such obstacles often proved 
to be the bodies of comrades, the air was occasionally sul- 
phurous. The next day we marched around Lookout Point, 
and went into camp east of Lookout Mountain ; for about this 
time General Bragg decided that it was time for him to do 

General Grant had arrived at Chattanooga, and superseded 
Rosecrans in the command of the Federal army. Hooker had 
reinforced it with two army corps from Virginia, and Sher- 
man, with a large force, from Memphis, was due to arrive 
about the 15th of November. Yet, although to his own army 
had not and could not come any additions, General Bragg 
reduced its strength by ordering Longstreet, with Hood's and 
McLaws' divisions and a large force of cavalry, up to Knox- 
ville, to capture or drive out of that portion of Tennessee the 
Federal forces there, under command of General Burnside. 
Such a campaign if begun immediately after the battle of 
Chickamauga would have been not only wise and feasible, but 
also, a commendable effort to harvest a part of the fruits of 
victorious battle ; now, prohibited by every consideration for 
the safety of the army Bragg was still allowed to command, 
it was suicidal. 

While protesting that to send his two divisions of infantry 
and the larger part of the Confederate cavalry on such a 
mission at such a critical stage of affairs was unwise and fool- 
ish, Longstreet, nevertheless, obeyed the order, and at once set 
about making preparations for the movement. It offered him 
a practically independent command, and a fine field for mili- 
tary operations, which, if successful, would likely insure him 
the rank of a full general. Believing, as he said, that if 
haste was made, Knoxville could be captured and Hood's and 
McLaws' divisions returned to his army in time to resist any 
attack on it by the Federals then at and coming to Chatta- 
nooga, General Bragg promised ample and speedy transpor- 
tation and all that was needed in the matter of food supplies. 
But the promise was not performed, and the troops detached 
for the expedition did not reach Sweetwater until November 
12. There more delay occurred. Wagon-trains were lack- 


ing, subsistence stores had not been forwarded, and as a re- 
sult, Longstreet was compelled to abandon his plan of ap- 
proaching Knoxville from the east, by way of Maryville, and 
to cross the Tennessee at Loudon and march directly on 
Knoxville by way of Campbell's Station. 

Passage of the river was effected on the 14th, and daylight 
had barely dawned on the 15th when Hood's division formed 
into line of march and hastened in pursuit of the enemy, then 
known to be in full retreat toward Knoxville. Between him 
and McLaws' division there was a foot-race — McLaws' effort 
being to reach Campbell's Station first. But fear lent wings 
to the Federals, and they won, and gave the Confederates a 
hot fight at the Station — holding their ground until late in 
the afternoon, then continuing their retreat, and in the early 
forenoon of the 16th taking refuge behind their defensive 
works at Knoxville. Thither followed the Confederates, and 
by night the town was surrounded by their infantry, cavalry, 
and artillery. 

To the Texas Brigade was assigned a position east of the 
Holston and below the town — its mission, to assist Wheeler's 
cavalry in preventing the escape of the enemy in that direc- 
tion. From that date until the siege was abandoned, it re- 
mained under fire, and, perhaps, under a more constant and 
vigorous one than any other command. Burnside's army was 
composed almost entirely of men from the Western States, 
and in them the Texans and Arkansans found foemen as dar- 
ing, as courageous and as accurate of aim as themselves. It 
was a kind of hide-and-seek game both sides played ; to be 
seen was to be shot at, and many a poor fellow fell dead 
or wounded at the moment he felt himself most safe. 

But with the time and force at his command, Longstreet 
had undertaken the impossible. His infantry numbered scarce 
12,000, and his cavalry could do no effective work against the 
fortifications surrounding Knoxville. Burnside, his opponent, 
had fully 20,000 infantry, and held an interior line that was 
both naturally and artificially strong. The Confederate com- 
mander, however, was determined to make one desperate strug- 
gle to gain entrance into the town. Receiving on the 28th a 
reinforcement of two brigades, Bushrod Johnson's and Grade's, 
he ordered a night assault upon Fort Sanders, the key to the 


Federal position. It failed to succeed, the troops engaged in 
it being repulsed with great slaughter. 

Half an hour after the fighting ceased, General Longstreet 
received positive information that the battle of Missionary 
Ridge had been fought and won by the Federals, then under 
command of General Grant, and that Bragg's army was in 
retreat. With this information came an order directing him 
to rejoin Bragg. As a march to the south and to Bragg's 
army would not only be over a mountainous and extremely 
rugged country, but also expose him to pursuit by Burnside 
and a Federal force then approaching Knoxville from Cumber- 
land Gap, he decided to move north, up the Holston River, 
into a field offering admirable opportunities for the maneu- 
vering of a small army and soldierly enterprise ; moreover, it 
would take him beyond the reach of Bragg's authority. 

To mask the withdrawal of the Texas and Law's brigades 
from the east side of the Holston, they and the cavalry on 
their right, on the morning of December 3, made a vigorous 
demonstration against the Federals in their front. These 
stood their ground well until about noon ; then they abandoned 
their first line of intrenchments, and took cover in another 
nearer the river. Night coming on, the two brigades quietly 
marched to the ferry over the Holston, crossed the river, and/ 
moving around the city, went northward toward Strawberry 
Plains, as the advance guard of their little army. Silence pre- 
vailed and the utmost caution was observed among the Texans 
and Arkansans until they were well beyond sight and hearing 
of the Union soldiers they had so long helped to hold in prac- 
tical captivity. Then, giving expression to their feelings, they 
made the woods ring and resound with loud and unchecked 
rejoicings that they were on their way to rejoin " Marse 
Robert's " army. Some enthusiastic broke into song, and as 
the opening words of the old melody, " Carry me back to ole 
Virginny," floated in musical cadence from his lips, a shout 
went up that made the welkin ring, and there was not a man 
"with music in his soul" but joined hopefully in the chorus: 

" Oh, carry me back to ole Virginny, to ole Virginny's shore." 
Crossing the Holston River at Strawberry Plains about 


noon, the Texas Brigade bivouacked that night on the open 
level ground east of the stream. Resuming the march next 
morning at sunrise, and still the advance guard of Longstreet's 
command, it moved rapidly on to Rogersville, arriving there 
on the 8th. On the 9th it went to Bean's Station to support 
Wheeler's cavalry, then in contention with a pursuing column 
of cavalry dispatched by Burnside from Knoxville. But, al- 
though under artillery fire for a while, it took no active part 
in the engagement. Remaining at Bean's Station until the 
19th, the brigade that day marched down the Holston toward 
Morristown, and, arriving there on the afternoon of the 22d, 
went into winter-quarters on the top of a wooded hill, a mile 
north of the little town. Lacking any assurance of a long 
stay in them, the men wasted little strength in the erection of 
cabins. A liberal issue of tents, an abundance of wood and a 
plentiful and near supply of excellent water, together with a 
fairly generous distribution of rations, enabled them to make 
themselves as comfortable as their great need of shoes and 
clothing permitted. Altogether, their lot as soldiers was not 
so hard as to warrant special complaint. 

Relaxation and more or less of exciting adventure, experi- 
enced and related, was furnished by the many details made for 
scouting west of the Holston River and east of the French 
Broad. The enemy was held in check on the south by the 
cavalry which, while the infantry rested in winter-quarters, 
was almost constantly on the go — fighting, as could be told 
by the sound of artillery, every day, and aften far into the 
night. Early in January of 1864, railroad communication was 
secured with Richmond, Va., and the shoes and clothing, and 
the mails that came over it to the Texas Brigade, added 
largely to its comfort and content. 

While his army was encamped around Bean's Station, Gen- 
eral Longstreet received a telegram from President Davis giv- 
ing him discretionary authority over all Confederate troops, 
of whatever service, then in East Tennessee. Invested, tem- 
porarily at least, with autocratic power, Longstreet took 
leisure to do a little pruning among his subordinate com- 
manders. General McLaws was the first officer to be relieved 
of command, and following him went General Robertson and 
General Law. With McLaws' removal we have no concern. 


Law was relieved of command, beyond doubt, in order to give 
General Jenkins a better chance of securing the commission 
of a major-general and the command of Hood's division — it 
having become known by this time that Hood would be pro- 
moted to a lieutenant-generalcy. 

Against General Robertson charges were preferred by Gen- 
eral Jenkins by express direction of General Longstreet. These 
did not complain that Robertson lacked ability as a brigade 
commander, or had been guilty of any unsoldierly conduct on 
the field. The gist of his offense was that when Jenkins or- 
dered a movement of the Texas Brigade that would entail 
upon it a long and hurried march over a rough and moun- 
tainous country and great hardship, he (Robertson) had in- 
formed his regimental commanders that he was opposed to 
the movement, would require written orders for it, and would 
obey it under protest ; that his men were in no condition for 
active campaigning, and that he had no confidence in the 
campaign as conducted. 

That these charges did not affect the standing of " Aunt 
Pollie " with the Texas Brigade, is proven by the fact that 
not a member of it ever blamed him for what he did; on the 
contrary, the brigade heartily approved of his course, and 
its survivors are yet grateful to him for the firm stand he 
took and for the interest and fatherly solicitude he always man- 
ifested in the well-being of his men. The truth is, at that 
time the Texas Brigade was in worse plight than any brigade 
in the division. It could get no supplies from Texas or Ar- 
kansas, as could and did the other brigades from their home 
States. However, the charges against its commander went up 
in smoke. President Davis and the Secretary of War held 
them frivolous and utterly insufficient to justify, even if proved 
true, the removal of an able and well-liked brigade commander. 
Still, rather than remain in a corps with whose commander he 
was persona non grata, and in a division of which, as then 
appeared probable, Jenkins would be appointed major-general, 
Robertson sought and obtained a transfer to Texas, on re- 
cruiting service for the army of the Confederacy. 

The stay of the Texas Brigade at Morristown was of brief 
duration. On the 15th of January, 1864, the enemy con- 
fronted our cavalry in such strong force that it called lustily 


for reinforcement. Heeding the call, Longstreet ordered his 
infantry divisions down to the neighborhood of Strawberry 
Plains. Before they reached that point, though, the enemy 
retired, and the Texas Brigade halted at Mossy Creek. It 
remained there until February 10, and while there the men 
composing it were invited to re-enlist, for and during the war, 
last as long as it might. As it was enlist or be conscripted, 
not a man declined. 

From Mossy Creek the Texas Brigade moved down to 
Strawberry Plains, and, crossing to the east side of the Hol- 
ston River, took position to support Confederate cavalry then 
feeling its way toward Knoxville, against which stronghold of 
the enemy General Longstreet was making a demonstration 
in hope of bringing troops to its relief, and thus reducing the 
pressure on the army so lately commanded by Bragg, but now 
by General Joseph E. Johnston. That object accomplished, 
and President Davis about that time having ordered all cav- 
alry belonging to Johnston's command to be returned to him, 
Longstreet wisely withdrew his army from its advanced posi- 
tion and marched it back to Bull's Gap. There Hood's divi- 
sion found awaiting it a commanding major-general in the 
person of General Charles W. Field, a graduate of West Point, 
who, as the brigadier-general of a Confederate brigade in Lee's 
army, had gained considerable distinction. To the Texas Bri- 
gade also came a new commander, General John Gregg. 

In their respective spheres, both Field and Gregg proved 
themselves competent and efficient officers. That the former 
did not win from the division the admiration and confidence it 
felt for and in General Hood, and that the latter failed to 
secure such a hold on the affection of the Texas Brigade as 
Robertson had gained, was due, perhaps, more to lack of 
opportunity than to any want of merit in either. Of each of 
them it may be said that in character he was almost diamet- 
rically the opposite of his predecessor. Field was of phleg- 
matic temperament, and seemed indifferent whether the division 
liked him or not. Gregg's service on the bench in Texas had 
developed in him an austerity of manner and a positiveness 
of utterance altogether unlike the free, easy, and somewhat 
fussy ways of General Robertson that had won for him the 
sobriquet of " Aunt Pollie." Moreover, Gregg held himself 


aloof from his inferiors in rank, and so did not afford his men 
any opportunity to acquaint themselves with the good qual- 
ities he undoubtedly had in abundance. In truth, the stand- 
ard of excellence in a commander for whom they would " do 
or die," which had been adopted by the members of the Texas 
Brigade, was John B. Hood. It was impossible that any officer 
could be to them what Percy Gregg, the English historian, says 
Hood was ; that is, " a splendid soldier peculiarly suited to the 
command of his reckless, daring and indomitable Texans, with 
whom he was a special favorite. Commander and men alike 
exaggerated the proverbial quality of Englishmen — they never 
knew when they were beaten, or, when they must be." 

On the 24th of March, 1864, President Davis wired General 
Longstreet to make all needful preparations for the march of 
his command to that of General Johnston, to join in a spring 
campaign planned by Bragg, who, proven incompetent to con- 
duct the operations of a single army, was yet considered ca- 
pable of directing the movements of all the armies of the Con- 
federacy from an office in Richmond. April 7, though, Bragg 
changed his mind, and Longstreet was ordered to rejoin Gen- 
eral Lee's army, then holding the line of the Rapidan in Vir- 
ginia, with all the troops he had carried from Virginia to 
Bragg's army. Thus it came about, that about the 15th of 
April the Texas Brigade broke camp at Bull's Gap, and 
marching to Bristol, took trains to Lynchburg, Va. Remain- 
ing there a few days — for there was neither need nor order for 
haste — it boarded a train for Charlottesville, whence, on the 
23d, it marched slowly to the eastward, finally halting and 
camping near Gordonsville, about twenty-five miles from the 
battlefield of the Wilderness. 


The Wilderness — Spottsylvania — Cold Harbor — Peters- 

On the 1st of May, 1864, the hopes of the Southern Con- 
federacy rested upon the two armies of Lee and Johnston — 
that of Lee holding the line of the Rapidan in Virginia — that 
of Johnston, at Dalton, Ga. General Meade was in command 
of the army opposing Lee's, General Sherman of that con- 
fronting Johnston's, and each of their armies was largely 
superior in numbers and equipment to that of his antagonist. 
All Confederate ports were blockaded, and along the Atlantic 
and Gulf coasts the Federals held various important positions. 
Tennessee, Kentucky, a large part of Mississippi, and parts 
of Alabama, Florida and Virginia were in practically unop- 
posed possession of the Federal troops. In the Trans-Missis- 
sippi department, Arkansas was overrun by them, as well as a 
large part of Louisiana. In Texas alone, save at Point Isabel, 
they had no holding. 

In March, 1864, Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant was in- 
vested with command of the armies of the Union. Looking 
over the situation, it was apparent to him that the armies 
of Lee and Johnston could receive little reinforcement except 
from each other. Therefore he planned a campaign against 
each that would be so vigorously prosecuted as to keep it 
busy, and prevent it from aiding the other — these campaigns 
to begin on the same day. Once begun, there was to be no 
halt by either. Sherman was to move against Johnston's 
army, to break it up, to get into the interior of the South, 
and to inflict all the damage he could against its war resources 
— his objective points, first, Atlanta, and next, Savannah. 
Meade's army was to be under Grant's own immediate super- 
vision — his order to Meade being: "Lee's army will be your 
objective point; wherever he goes, there will you go." The 
characteristic of the campaign, as stated by Grant in this 



order, was " to hammer continuously against the armed forces 
of the enemy and his resources, until, by mere attrition, if 
nothing else, there shall be nothing left him but submission." 
His desire was, he told a friend, " to fight Lee between the 
Rapidan and Richmond, if he will stand." As developed in 
the field, though, it was to place the Union army between 
Lee's and Richmond, and to do the " hammering," not by di- 
rect and continuous strokes at the Wilderness and other places 
where Lee did stand, but intermittently, while the Federal 
army, under his orders, by crab-like sidling, moved southward. 

On the 4th day of May, 1864, Meade's army, numbering 
fully 125,000 men of all arms, and said by one of its officers 
to be " the best-clothed and the best-fed army that ever took 
the field," crossed the Rapidan and made its way into what 
was then, and except to the boldest hunters, still is, a terra 
incognita, as impenetrable in many places as the jungles of 
Africa — the Wilderness. What ghastly scenes, what thrill- 
ing and horrifying incidents, what terrifying sounds throng 
to the memories of the survivors of the armies, Confederate 
and Union, which, for nearly two months, grappled there in 
deadly struggle ! The bloody carnage — the moans and 
screams of the wounded as they lay helpless on the ground, or 
limped painfully to the rear — the piles of the dead and the 
dying — the acrid smell of burning gunpowder — the sickening 
stench of putrefying corpses — the roaring cannon and the 
shrieking shells, round shot, grape and canister — the crack- 
ling musketry, and the spat or dull thud of hissing, whistling, 
vengeful bullets — the dark, damp, dense, miasma-breeding for- 
ests into which sunlight never penetrated, and the tangled un- 
dergrowth of swamplands and morasses, are remembrances that 
are yet vivid, and at which old soldiers yet shudder. 

Strictly, the name, Wilderness, applies to a section of coun- 
try, ten or twelve miles square, bounded north and east by 
the Rapidan and Rappahannock Rivers, and lying between 
Fredericksburg and Orange Court House. Seams of iron ore 
and traces of gold were discovered there at an early day, and 
for several generations, more or less mining was done. The 
forests then growing were cut down to supply fuel for iron 
furnaces — the first built in North America — and to clear the 
land for the cultivation of tobacco. The mines finally aban- 


doned, the soil robbed of its fertility, the region was left to 
nature, and was soon covered with pines, oaks, hickory and 
other varieties of timber, beneath which grew vines, brambles 
and all sorts of undergrowth in astonishing profusion. The 
general surface, while elevated, is undulating, and between 
the ridges course sluggish streams and lay swamps, bogs and 

But although the Wilderness proper lies as above described, 
in 1864 it may be said to have extended to within a few miles 
of Richmond, distant from the battle ground of May 6 about 
seventy miles on a bee-line, but on the route taken by the 
armies, nearly, if not quite, a hundred. Across this extension 
of it run the waters of the Mattapony, North Anna, Little 
River, South Anna, Chickahominy and other streams of less 
size and note — their many uncultivated valleys, covered with 
timber and undergrowth, and often marshy and always 

General Lee was neither taken by surprise, nor unprepared 
for Meade's passage of the Rapidan and advance into the 
Wilderness. Ewell's and Hill's corps were in their places, 
and on May 5, in an engagement beginning at daylight and 
lasting until after nightfall, gave bloody check to the Federal 
army. On the same day, Hood's old division, hereafter to 
be designated as Field's, was on the march to find position in 
the line held by the Confederates. That night it bivouacked 
within eight miles of the line occupied by Hill's corps, and at 
3 a. m. on the morning of the 6th, the Texas Brigade leading 
the column — moved at a rapid gait to the front. Between 
daylight and sunrise, when within two miles of the firing line, 
the noises of volleys of musketry and occasional reports of 
cannon gave notice that the struggle of the day had com- 
menced, and at the sound General Gregg gave the command, 
"Double quick!" 

" Breaking instantly into a double quick movement," writes 
a member of the Fourth Texas, " we pressed on toward the 
Plank Road. Half a mile from it, an order came to Gregg to 
report, with the Texas Brigade, as soon as possible to General 
Lee. Reaching the Plank Road, we found it a scene of utter, 
and apparently, irremediable confusion, such as we had never 
witnessed before in Lee's army. It was crowded with standing 


and moving wagons, horses and mules, and threading their 
way through this tangled mass, each with his face to the rear, 
were hundreds of the men of Wilcox's and Heth's divisions, 
which were being driven from their lines. 

" Filing to the right as it came into the road, the Texas Bri- 
gade continued at a double-quick down it, toward the sound 
of the firing, for nearly a mile. Then called to a halt, it 
formed line of battle facing the north side of the road, loaded 
its guns, and by a right wheel brought itself into position 
fronting the enemy, on an open hill, the highest probably in 
the section, and immediately in rear of a battery said to have 
been Poague's. Not more than three hundred yards in our 
front was a line of Yankee skirmishers, who, but for interven- 
ing pine thickets and large timber, might have done us great 

" At this juncture, General Lee rode up near our line. 
Mounted on the handsome dapple gray horse he bestrode at 
Fredericksburg in 1862, and which he always rode on the 
battle-field, he was a picture of noble grace that I can never 
hope to see again. Having given General Gregg an order 
to advance at once and check the on-coming enemy, he added: 
' The Texas Brigade always has driven the enemy, and I want 
them to do it now. And tell them, General, that they will fight 
to-day under my eye — I will watch their conduct. I want 
every man of them to know I am here with them ! ' Gregg rode 
out in front of us, and told us what General Lee had said, 
and then gave the command, 6 Forward ! ' The word had 
barely passed his lips when General Lee himself came in front 
of us, as if intending to lead us. The men shouted to him to 
come back, that they would not budge an inch unless he did 
so, and to emphasize the demand, twenty or more of them 
sprang forward and made an effort to lead or push his horse 
to the rear. I was too far from him to join in this attempt, 
or, like any other man in the brigade I would have done so. 
Exactly what occurred, not even those nearest Lee can tell, 
but just as they got 'Traveler' headed to the rear, General 
Longstreet rode up and said something, whereupon General 
Lee rode silently back through our ranks. 

" Then General Gregg again shouted the command to for- 
ward, and forward the old brigade went. The enemy's skir- 


mishers discovered our approach before we had gone a hundred 
yards, and opened a fire on us that killed or wounded many of 
our best and bravest before they had fired a shot. Three 
hundred yards further, the leaden hail poured upon us by the 
skirmishers began to thin our ranks greatly, and five hun- 
dred yards from our starting point, we were confronted by a 
line of battle. This could not withstand our assault, and so 
fled in confusion. Across the Plank Road was another line, 
and against it we moved rapidly. The storm of battle was 
now terrific. Our brigade was alone, no support on our right, 
none on the left, and an enfilading and terrible fire from the 
left. The Plank Road ran diagonally across our line of ad- 
vance, and down the road came the fire of a dozen cannon. 
But across it we went, and drove the enemy back behind their 
breastworks, to within a hundred yards of which we advanced. 
Then it was discovered that a column of the enemy was com- 
ing at a double-quick down the Plank Road, with the evident 
intention of cutting us off, and General Gregg gave the order 
to withdraw. But the object of our attack was accomplished, 
General Lee's faith in the Texas Brigade justified. The 
ground from which two Confederate divisions had been driven, 
had been recaptured, but at a terrible sacrifice, for one-half 
of our men were killed and wounded. Of the 207 men of the 
Fourth Texas that went into the action, 30 were killed or 
mortally wounded, and 100 wounded more or less seriously. I 
do not know the extent of the losses in either of the other regi- 
ments, but they were likely as great in the Fifth Texas as in 
the Fourth, both of which regiments crossed the Plank Road. 
The First Texas and Third Arkansas, however, although ad- 
vancing and keeping in line with the Fourth and Fifth Texas, 
did not get to the Plank Road, but fought to the left of it. 
" The Fourth and Fifth Texas, the only regiments in dan- 
ger of being cut off, fell back hurriedly, but not in confusion, 
and the brigade was soon in line, a couple of hundred yards 
in front of the battery near which General Lee came to us. 
As we were forming, another brigade passed over us on its 
way to hold the enemy in the position to which we had driven 
him. Ten minutes later we moved to the brow of a hill on 
the left, and formed in line at right angle to the general line. 
Then wheeling to the right, we moved down the hill, across a 


morass and to the summit of another elevation, where we en- 
countered a heavy line of Yankee skirmishers, and in the fight 
with them lost quite a number of our men, killed and wounded. 
The skirmishers dispersed, other troops took our place, and 
we were given a long rest. That evening, though, the bri- 
gade drove back a line of skirmishers, and thus held the at- 
tention of the enemy until Anderson's and Law's brigades made 
a flank movement and captured a part of the enemy's first 
line of breastworks. N 

" I was not with the brigade in that last affair of the day. 
Taken sick at noon, I made my way back to the field-hospital, 
and was there when at 9 p. m. our division marched toward 
Spottsylvania Court House. Too unwell on the 7th to be fit 
for duty, I was in the act of leaving the hospital on the 8th 
to rejoin my command, when Dr. Jones forbade my going, 
detailed me as a nurse and ordered me to remain there until 
our wounded were carried back to Richmond. That was not 
done until the last of April, and before it was, I visited the 
battle-field twice, once on the l&th, and again on the 24th. 
At the time of the first visit, its aspect was terrible and sick- 
ening. The stench from the putrifying corpses and carcasses 
of the thousands of men and horses that lay in every conceiv- 
able shape and position on the ground, pervaded the air and 
made impossible any long stay in the gloomy shades of the 
veritable wilderness in which the battle was waged. All the 
Confederate dead that could be found -had been buried, but 
the Yankees had not buried a tenth of their dead. Vast quan- 
tities of clothing, ammunition and arms lay strewn over acres 
of ground, the enemy, seemingly, having abandoned the field 
in too great haste to remove them. I counted five lines of 
breastworks that had been erected for the defense of the 
Union army — one, immediately in front of our only line of 
intrenchments, and the others in rear of that one, at distances 
of from fifty to a hundred yards apart. In front of the first 
line the timber had been cleared off for a distance of fifty 
yards or more. At places, I saw acres of ground, the trees 
on which were riddled with bullets, and on several portions of 
the field where small timber and undergrowth only grew, the 
trees were actually cut in two, and the undergrowth topped at 
about the height of a man's head. The bodies of our Texas 


boys, brave fellows all, who had fallen, had been gathered to- 
gether and buried under a large tree by the side of the 
Plank Road. Although one large opening in the earth re- 
ceived them, at the head of each was placed a board with his 
name rudely carved on it, while nailed to a tree nearer the road 
was another board on which were carved the simple but elo- 
quent words, ' Texas Dead.' 

" At the date of my second visit, the road and all the path- 
ways leading into it were alive with worms, and above them 
swarmed myriads of flies. The flesh had rotted from the 
corpses and only bones marked the spots where brave spirits 
had taken leave of their tenements of clay. Most of the cloth- 
ing left on the field had been appropriated by the citizens 
living near by, and the arms and ammunition had been hauled 
away in wagons sent out by the Confederate Secretary of 

To the daring and successful charge of the Texas Brigade 
that day, is unquestionably due the check given the enemy 
at a moment when, Wilcox's and Heth's divisions driven from 
their positions, the Confederate army was in imminent peril 
of being cut in two by an unexpectedly early dash forward 
against its center of Hancock's always hard-fighting corps. 
That the loss of the open and commanding hill from which 
it advanced and repulsed the on-coming Federals, would have 
wrought disaster to his army, and that General Lee so be- 
lieved, is evident from his presence there, the anxiety he mani- 
fested, his message to the Texas Brigade, and his effort to lead 
it. So, while acknowledging the aid given it by the other 
commands of Field's division, and by those of McLaws' which 
fought on the right of Field's, the survivors of the Texas Bri- 
gade claim now, as always since that day of struggle and 
bloodshed, that it saved the Confederate army, and that to it 
alone belongs that distinction. 

Of the day's battle in general, it may be said that from sun- 
rise till 11 a. m., it was fought by Longstreet's corps alone, 
neither Hill's nor Ewell's corps taking more than desultory 
parts in it. General John B. Gordon is authority for the 
statement that had General Jubal Early, at sunrise of the 6th, 
been less obstinate in his expressed belief that Sedgewick's 


corps was close in rear and support of the Federal right flank 
— which it was not — or had General Ewell been less under the 
domination of General Early, a flank movement by Gordon's 
command was not only possible but invited and tempted, 
which, assisted by Longstreet's bold and successful assault a 
little after sunrise, would either have destroyed the Union 
army, or forced it into hurried and disorderly retreat. Gen- 
eral Gordon further says that when about 5 p. m. General Lee 
rode to his left and was informed by himself of the situation 
there, he immediately ordered the flank movement made, and 
that but for the lateness of the hour, it would even then have 
proven a mortal blow to the enemy. 

About ten o'clock in the forenoon Hill's troops, now rested, 
were again sent to the front. Longstreet sent Mahone, with 
four brigades, to turn Hancock's left, which they did. Then, 
moving forward, they rolled up that flank, as Hancock him- 
self said, " like a wet blanket." By eleven o'clock Hancock's 
front and both his flanks were driven back, and by noon the 
left of the Federal army was defeated and disorganized. 
Seeking to press the advantages gained, Longstreet formed 
Kershaw's division in line of battle across the Plank Road, and 
led it, in person, in pursuit of the now fleeing enemy. He had 
gone but a short distance, though, when, mistaken by Ma- 
hone's men, then halted in line and facing the Plank Road, for 
a Federal officer accompanied by his staff, he was fired upon 
and wounded, and the onset of Kershaw's men was checked. 
General Lee rode at once to the front, and restoring order, 
sent the division forward again, with a part of Field's di- 
vision on its left. These troops followed the Federals to the 
Brock Road, which crosses the Plank Road at right angles, 
and there were confronted by a wall of fire, made by the 
burning of the front line of the enemy's breastworks, and 
also by a more dangerous line of artillery and infantry which 
poured shot and shell into their ranks from the second and full- 
manned line of works. 

Nevertheless, the Confederates drove the enemy from that 
second line, and planted their flags on the breastworks, but, 
owing to the continued terrible artillery fire, soon fell back a 
quarter of a mile to a line they held the balance of that 
and all the next day. The outcome of the day's battle was 


an advance of the Confederate lines, and the placing of the 
Union army on the defensive. 

Peace and comparatively absolute quiet reigned on the 7th. 
That night Grant moved his army southward, to Spottsyl- 
vania Court House, bat when on the morning of the 8th his 
advance, under Warren, arrived there, it found Longstreet's 
corps, now commanded by R. H. Anderson, in its front. 
Thenceforward, until Grant shifted to the south side of the 
James River, there was little cessation of battle between the 
two armies ; if not all along the lines, it was on this or that 
flank, or in the center, that Grant " hammered." 

To follow the movements of the Texas Brigade and relate 
them in detail, would be wearisome and unprofitable. It was 
one of the component parts of a live machine that, although 
guided and directed by General Lee, seemed to move automati- 
cally. In light and in darkness, it shared with comrade com- 
mands a relentless, ceaseless and ever-present danger. In the 
trenches its men looked their perils in the face without blench- 
ing, and grew inured to them ; in camp or on the march, they 
swooped down on us unexpectedly — now coming in the guise 
of bullets from far-off concealed sharpshooters, and again from 
overhead, when shells from the enemy's long-range cannon 
burst in the air. Death or wounds came at all hours of 
the night and day. Absolute safety was nowhere to be found 
within the zone of five miles in width through the center of 
which ran the opposing lines of breastworks. Lee's whole 
force barely sufficient to man the line confronting the enemy's, 
his soldiers could not be allowed, when relieved from service 
at the front, to seek resting places beyond the zone, lest, in 
case of sudden attack, they fail to reach threatened parts of 
the line in time to avert disaster. 

Wherever a halt was made on the firing line, breastworks 
were immediately erected — the Federals, notwithstanding their 
overwhelming preponderance in numbers, being as insistent as 
the Confederates on having such protection. The Confeder- 
ates soon grew to be experts in the manipulation of the pick 
and the spade, and when, as frequently happened, such tools 
were not at hand, and the enemy threatened a speedy attack, 
resort was had to bayonets — tin-cups and frying-pans and 
such few axes and hatchets as were carried by individual sol- 


diers. With these and such logs and rails as could be found 
near, fairly safe breastworks were thrown up in an hour's 

The rations issued to the Confederates, slender as they were 
at its beginning, grew less and less as the campaign pro- 
gressed. Flour became a luxury, corn-bread the staff of life. 
Hunger — incessant, never-satisfied hunger — prevailed, and 
the soldiers grew thin and gaunt. Still, on the pound of corn- 
meal to the man, and the less than half a pound of bacon, or as 
much of beef which was occasionally issued, Lee's soldiery man- 
aged to live and retain the strength and the courage for al- 
most continuous battle with a well-fed foe. 

The Texas Brigade moved, as did the other commands in 
the Southern army, always to the right, and only as Grant's 
army sidled to its left — Lee's constant effort being, and he 
seldom failed to accomplish it, to confront the Federals at all 
times and places. Grant's effort seemed to be, not to crush 
the Confederate army, but to evade it. But move as secretly 
as Grant might, Lee was either informed of the movement, or 
divined it in time to meet it ; and dangerous as it often was, 
to weaken a part of the line then held by him, kept his troops 
well in front of Grant's. 

In the early hours of May 8 the Texas Brigade threw up 
breastworks along the part of the line assigned to it at Spott- 
sylvania. It was not attacked until about sunset of the 10th. 
For many hours of the 8th, and all day of the 9th, the dull 
but incessant roar of small arms and the wicked boom of artil- 
lery told of repeated assaults on Ewell's lines on its right, and 
behind breastworks for the first time and anxious to learn what 
execution it could do from them, it felt slighted. At daylight 
of the 10th it appeared that its hopes would be gratified. 
Fruition, however, was denied until late in the day. Then, 
having failed after repeated trials, beginning at sunrise, to 
make headway against either Hill's corps, on the left of Long- 
street's, or Ewell's, the enemy as a last resort decided to move 
against Field's division. Their heaviest blow was directed 
against the Texas Brigade, and, it must be confessed, they 
took it by surprise. 

Giving no notice of their intentions, five of their brigades, 
under cover of the heavy timber, crawled close up to the breast- 


works. Then, with loud huzzas they sprang forward in a 
seemingly reckless charge. Having made up their minds that 
they would not be attacked at all that day, the Texas regi- 
ments were not as ready as they should have been, and for a 
few seconds it looked as if the enemy would win the breast- 
works. But when his hope was strongest, a sheet of flame and 
a yell of defiance burst from the intrenchments, the bullets 
mowing the assailants down by the hundreds, and in front of 
the Fourth and Fifth Texas and the Third Arkansas the onset 
was soon checked. 

The First Texas was not as successful as its comrade regi- 
ments in repelling the enemy. About the middle of the part 
of the line occupied by it a gap, probably forty feet wide, had, 
for some reason, been left unprotected by breastworks, and 
into this, a double line of the Union soldiers poured, shoot- 
ing right and left, and to some extent, using their bayonets. 
But although taken more by surprise than the other regiments, 
being habitually more careless, and driven from their works, 
the First Texans immediately rallied, and joining in a hand- 
to-hand contest with their assailants, soon drove them back 
over the works ; and as by this time the balance of the bri- 
gade was idle and turned their fire on the Federals still in front 
of the First, they were soon compelled to precipitate flight. 
But for a while, the affair looked ugly to the Confederates, 
and troops were hurried to the reinforcement of the Texas 
Brigade. By the time they arrived, though, the part of the 
line seized was recaptured, and the Union troops in its front 
were on the run. 

The " Ragged First " was a peculiar regiment in many 

respects. Its personnel were as brave and daring as any, . 
but they were never strong on dress, drill and discipline, as 
laid down in Hardee's tactics. Their long stay in the corn- 
field at Sharpsburg, and their repulse there of all the Federal 
commands that had the nerve to assail them, shows how well 
they could stand fire, and how vigorously and effectively they 
could deliver it. While in East Tennessee they took a notion 
that they could march with greater ease if relieved of the 
weight of bayonets, for which they had never had need and 
never expected to have, and they threw them away. When 
at Spottsylvania quite a number of them felt the points of 


bayonets in the hands of the enemy, they " saw the point " 
that such weapons were good things to have, and quiet was 
no sooner restored than they went in search of them and were 
soon well-equipped with them — securing many from the aban- 
doned guns of the Federals, and borrowing, " unbeknownst " 
to the owners, others from an Alabama brigade of another 

In the matter of dress, as above indicated, the First Texans 
were neither dudes nor dandies. Their fondness for and fre- 
quent indulgence in games of cards, naturally had a disastrous 
effect upon the seats of their trousers. One day when the 
army was marching from Sharpsburg toward the Rapidan, 
General Lee and a distinguished English guest sat on their 
horses by the roadside — Lee naming the commands by States 
as they passed, and the Englishman observant and critical, 
his look, that of admiration. As the First Texas filed by, 
though, the look changed to one of derision, and noting it, 
General Lee said : " Never mind their raggedness, Colonel — 
the enemy never sees the backs of my Texans." 

On the 11th, Grant let his army rest. It needed it little 
less, if any, than Lee's did. On the morning of that day, 
Grant wired to Washington : 

" We have now ended the sixth day of very heavy fighting, the 
result to this time in our favor. But our losses have been heavy, 
as well as those of the enemy. We have lost to this time, eleven 
general officers, killed, wounded and missing, and probably 20,000 
men. ... I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes 
all summer. The arrival of reinforcements will be very encour- 
aging to the men, and I hope they will be sent as fast as possible 
and in as great numbers. ... I am satisfied the enemy are 
very shaky, and are only kept up to the mark by the greatest 
exertions on the part of their officers, and by keeping them in- 
trenched in every position they take." 

The statement, " I am satisfied the enemy are very shaky," 
was the outcome of desire they should be, and not of Grant's 
six days' experience in trying to drive the Confederates. In 
truth, the Army of Northern Virginia was never more en- 
thusiastic and sanguine of success than it was on that day. 
Grant's insistence that speedy and large reinforcements of his 


army would be " very encouraging to the men," is a confession, 
that discouraged by their failures and appalled by the butch- 
ery to which they had already been subjected, and appeared 
doomed, his own men were shaky. His assertion that only by 
the greatest efforts on the part of their officers were the Con- 
federates kept up to the mark, is not only absolutely untrue, 
but is another case where u the wish was father to the 
thought." And finally, his complaint, for it is nothing else, 
that the Confederates would fight only from behind their 
breastworks, is puerile in view of the great difference in num- 
bers of the two armies, and the fact that wherever a Federal 
command took position, it hastened to protect itself by in- 

On the 12th, although to its right and left the storm of 
battle raged continuously all day long, the Texas Brigade was 
not attacked. Demonstrations, however, were frequent in its 
front, and the men were kept busy watching lest one of these 
be converted into a real attack, and firing at every Federal 
and body of Federals that came in sight and within range of 
their rifles. Both for this purpose, and to repel an assault, 
they had guns and ammunition in superabundance, gathered 
from the large supplies left on the 10th by the flying Union 
soldiers. It was at the great salient occupied by Edward 
Johnson's division that the real battle of the 12th was waged. 
The brave, determined assault by the Federals, the courageous 
obstinacy of the Confederates as they contested the issue 
whether Lee's center should be broken and his army divided, 
made the engagement far the bloodiest of the campaign, and 
christened the salient as the " bloody angle." It was Grant's 
grandest and most hopeful effort to break Lee's center, and 
for long hours victory hung in the balance. Success crowned 
the initial assault made on the apex of the angle by twenty- 
two Federal brigades. Their approach hidden by the thick 
woods and a dense fog, these crept up to within a hundred 
yards of the breastworks, and then charging, captured John- 
son's division, and only by the almost superhuman exertions 
of the Confederates was their advance to the base of the angle 
stayed, and finally, after the most desperate fighting on both 
sides, repulsed. 

It is wonderful how rapidly information as to what was 


occurring, or had occurred, passed from lip to lip up and down 
the Confederate lines. Hancock's assault at the " bloody 
angle " was known to the Texas Brigade within three minutes 
after it began, and so of every other important happening. 
Jokes, jests and accounts of the ludicrous had as swift trans- 
mission, and received a most grateful welcome, for they took 
the minds of the soldier off the tragic. At nightfall of the 
12th hardly had the firing ceased when came the comforting 
words : " All right on the left," " All right on the right," 
and " We've had a desperate time of it in the center, but 
we're not whipped to hurt." While such reports came and 
were received exultingly, behind them, in cases where the fight- 
ing had been severe, we could hear the groans of the wounded 
and dying, and in the light of our own experiences, see the 
fast stiffening bodies of the slain. It was war, and it might 
be the turn next of any one of us to fall wounded or dead, and 
if wounded, to writhe in pain and agony, or, using musket as 
a crutch, limp slowly and painfully to the rear. Yet, not a 
man of Lee's army lost heart, and ceased to be brave, defiant 
and hopeful. 

On the 13th quiet prevailed. On the afternoon of the 14th 
it was discovered that the enemy had again sidled to the south- 
ward, and that night the Texas Brigade was again on the 
march, this time to the North Anna River. The tramp, how- 
ever, was interrupted at several points where it halted to con- 
front the threatening enemy, and to build the short line of 
breastworks that was to be its shield should an assault come. 
On the 21st it reached the North Anna, marching thence on 
the 27th, and on June 1st taking position and throwing up 
breastworks on the identical ridge north of the Chickahominy, 
from which, in June, 1862, it had helped drive Fitz-John Por- 
ter's command, of McClellan's army, to the south side of that 
stream. Then it faced and moved southeast — now, it faced 
northwest — the positions of the contending armies being ex- 
actly the reverse of what they were in 1862. 

The Federal breastworks were too close to those occupied 
by the Texas Brigade to permit a picket line, and June 2nd 
was spent in an almost continuous exchange of rifle shots from 
the main lines. The morning of June 3rd dawned clear and 
hot, not a breath of air stirring. A day of comparative quiet 


in prospect, the men were no sooner awake than they com- 
menced reading the morning papers, just out from Richmond, 
then but seven miles distant, breakfasting as they read on 
clammy corn-bread and raw bacon — the latter too precious 
then to be wasted by cooking. Such as had neither paper 
to read nor rations to eat, strolled up and down the trench, 
casting occasional watchful glances across the breastworks. 
Not a man dreamed that an attack would be made by the 
Union army ; our position was too strong. 

But the improbable, the wholly unlooked for, happened nev- 
ertheless. Grant made preparations for an assault on the 2nd, 
and Lee, alert to every threat, took steps to defend against 
it. Half a mile to the left of the Texas Brigade, Kershaw's 
division guarded a salient, the weak place on the Confederate 
line, and in front of this Grant massed the half of his immense 
army, and made his last desperate effort to break through 
Lee's line and gain a direct " on to Richmond." In the 
trenches between Kershaw's right and the Texas Brigade stood 
Anderson's and Law's brigades. These and Kershaw's troops 
bore the brunt of the assault. Against the Texas Brigade 
there was scarcely the threat of attack, but, as in their ad- 
vance the Federals exposed their left flank to its fire, they got 
it as fast as experienced soldiers could load, aim and pull 

The charge of the Federals was gallant enough to deserve 
success. They came forward in four lines, about fifty yards 
apart, and thus presented the fairest of targets for Texas 
and Arkansas markmanship. But they essayed the impos- 
sible ; men could not live in the fire poured on them from front 
and flanks, and although in the first rush a few came within 
seventy yards of our lines, they halted, about-faced, and fled 
as fast as legs could carry them. The slaughter was terrible ; 
in the fifteen minutes their struggle lasted, 10,000 Union sol- 
diers were killed and wounded. This assault on the Confeder- 
ate center was supported by one made at the same hour, a 
mile or more to the right of the Texas Brigade, by Hancock's 
corps, which, though fruitless, cost it the loss of '3000 men. 
The Confederate loss during the day was less than 1300. 

At nine o'clock of the same morning Grant ordered the 
assault renewed. But not a man in the Union ranks moved 


forward, for not a man of them but knew it was suicidal to 
undertake the task ordered. Swinton, the Northern historian, 
is candid enough to say : " The order was issued through 
these officers to their subordinate commanders, and from them 
descended through the wonted channels, but no man stirred 
and the immobile lines pronounced a verdict, silent, yet em- 
phatic, against further slaughter." 

Until nightfall of June 7th the Texas Brigade remained at 
Cold Harbor without change of position, the stench of the un- 
buried, rotting corpses of the Federals slain on the 3rd con- 
stantly in its nostrils — Grant having delayed asking leave to 
bury his dead until the 5th, lest the request be construed as an 
admission of defeat, and when given permission, having failed 
to bury the half of them. Relieved then by other troops, it 
was given a day's rest in a camp in the woods, whence it went 
over to Totopotomy Creek to hold a position from which 
Ewell's troops were retiring, against Federal cavalry with 
which it had a rumpus from which the cavalry emerged con- 
siderably the worse for wear. Thence, on the 13th, along 
with the other commands of Field's division, it went to the 
south side of James River, crossing that stream on a pontoon 
bridge above Drury's Bluff, and on the morning of the 16th, 
taking position in an old line of earthworks at Bermuda Hun- 
dreds. Grant, hopeless of forcing his way into Richmond by 
the route originally chosen by him, was transferring his army 
to the south side — his aim to capture Petersburg and move 
against Richmond from that point — and Lee was hurrying his 
to the support of Beauregard, then commanding an insignifi- 
cant force at Petersburg. 

On the crest of the hill at the foot of which the Texas 
Brigade lay, stretched a short line of intrenchments from 
which, a day or two before, the Federals had driven Beaure- 
gard's troops. They were now occupied by the enemy in 
heavy force. For a while an effort to recapture them was in 
contemplation. At noon all thought of such an attack was 
abandoned, and the men of the Texas Brigade settled them- 
selves down for a good rest. At 5 p. m., though, Pickett's 
division was ordered forward to make a reconnoissance in force 
and discover the strengh and position of the enemy in its im- 
mediate front. The gallant Virginians soon converted the re- 


connoissance into a real attack, and unwilling to meet this, 
the Federals broke in confusion and fled. The ground open 
and the Texas Brigade not half a mile from the right of 
Pickett's men, it witnessed every movement made, and when 
the Federals broke, a Texas private — who it was, has never 
been known — shouted : " Now's our time, boys ! " The effect 
of the call seemed magical, for the words had scarce passed the 
speaker's lips when every member of the brigade sprang to his 
feet, gun in hand, and leaping over the breastworks, joined in 
a wild, reckless charge up the slope of the hill on the enemy. 

No order was given by any officer; none was needed. Each 
man wanted to do, just then, while the enemy were in confusion, 
what he felt sure he would be ordered to do, perhaps an hour 
later, when the Federals had recovered from their panic, and 
probably, received reinforcements. There was no alignment, 
no attempt at any, and such a yell as resounded was never, 
before or since, heard between Richmond and Petersburg. 
Company, regimental and brigade officers, followed the lead 
of their men, and the other brigades of the division joined with 
a yell in the movement. The outcome was that the Union 
soldiers in front of the Texas Brigade took to their heels, and 
it gained the breastworks unopposed — to find them half torn 
down, and to discover that just over the crest beyond them 
the enemy had built a strong line of intrenchments, along 
which were two heavy-gunned and well-manned forts that had 
the exact range, and poured a brisk but ineffective fire on 
the dismantled works behind whose low walls the Confederates 
crouched. The cannonading ceasing when darkness came, the 
brigade worked all night to reconstruct the captured works. 
But it was not allowed to enjoy the fruits of its bold, unor- 
dered charge and its subsequent labor, for shortly after sunrise 
it moved to the right, and an hour later was on the cars, 
speeding toward Petersburg, which but the day before had 
barely escaped seizure by the Federals. 

The siege of Petersburg — it was really the siege of Rich- 
mond — commenced on the 18th day of June, 1864. Then it 
was that the Federal armies of the Potomac and the James, 
and the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, under their 
respective commanders, confronted each other south of James 
River in the positions they were respectively to occupy until 


the opening days of April, 1865. Grant wrote to General 
Meade on the 18th, saying: "Now we will rest the men and 
use the spade for their protection, until a vein can be struck." 
That kind of resting suggests the story of the plantation and 
slave-owner, who, one hot summer's day in the fifties, said to 
his darkeys when they came from the cotton-field at noon: 
" Now, boys, while you are resting, you may as well hoe out 
that five-acre garden patch." It was not a new kind of rest, 
though, to the soldiers in the Army of the Potomac who had 
constructed a line of intrenchments which stretched from the 
Rapidan to James River. 

Until the 19th the Texas Brigade moved from place to 
place in the strip of country, a mile and a half wide, that lay 
between Petersburg and the semi-circle of intrenchments on 
the east and south that held the enemy at bay — halting an 
hour or two here, a day there, or a night at another point. 
The position then assigned it lay east of the city, far down on 
the eastern and untimbered side of a long ridge — its left flank 
south and within five hundred yards of the " crater," the yet 
visible evidence of the great mine exploded July 30, 1864 — 
its right resting on a rather wide branch which, in its passage 
eastward through the breastworks, left a gap in them. The 
Federal line of intrenchments was in the thinly timbered hol- 
low at the foot of the ridge, and in front of the brigade, and 
for a mile to its left was scarcely two hundred yards from that 
of the Confederates. 

Here for thirty long, weary days the Texas Brigade stayed 
on guard, under a hot, almost blistering sun, and with only 
the shade made by blankets and tent-cloths, stretched across 
such rails and planks as could be brought long distances on 
the shoulders of its men through an incessant storm of bul- 
lets, to protect them from its heat and glare. There was lit- 
tle breeze, scant rain, and much dust. The opposing lines 
too close together to permit either side to send pickets to the 
front, the watching of each other and the guarding against 
surprise was done in and from the main lines, and lest the 
vigilance exercised there prove insufficient, each side main- 
tained a rifle fire, which, although in the daytime somewhat 
scattering and perfunctory, was at night an unceasing volley. 
Through this storm of bullets had to come on the shoulders 


of commissary sergeants and such men as were detailed to 
assist them, the rations on which soul and body were barely kept 
together. The corn-bread, a pound a day to the man, was 
cooked by details far in the rear; the bacon, a scant fourth 
of a pound per diem to the man, or the same quantity of 
tough, lean beef, was brought, uncooked, on the same shoul- 
ders, as were also, but only at long intervals, the small sup- 
plies of beans, peas, rice and sugar then procurable. Coffee 
— not more than thirty beans to the man — was a rarity. 

The water that satisfied thirst, and in which such provisions 
as the men dared waste by cooking, were boiled, had to be 
brought in canteens from a spring on the far side of the branch 
which made a gap in the breastworks, and to cross that branch, 
by night or by day, was to risk life and limb — the Federals 
guarding the gap as they did no other point on the line, and 
keeping it hot and sizzling with death-dealing bullets. After 
one man was mortally wounded, and two or three others, se- 
riously, the risk was minimized, and at the same time equitably 
distributed, by sending, in regular turn, two men of a com- 
pany, with all its canteens, after water. One of these, carry- 
ing all the canteens, would spring across the gap, and if he ar- 
rived safe, toss them as they were filled, back across it to his 

To stay in the trenches alive, was to suffer with heat, 
smother with dust, keep heads below the top of the breast- 
works, and half-starved, long the more for a " square meal " 
because there was little else to occupy one's mind. Thor- 
oughly inured to danger as were the Texans and Arkansans, 
they accepted its presence as inevitable, and now that it stayed 
by them so constantly, it grew monotonous and ceased to be 
worthy of more attention than could be given it mechanically 
and subconsciously. Their experiences of hardship and peril 
were neither singular nor uncommon. Not a brigade of Lee's 
army that did duty in the trenches east of Petersburg as 
long on a single stretch as did the Texas Brigade, but suf- 
fered and endured as much during those excessively warm, sul- 
try months of June and July, 1864. Nevertheless, the same 
Texans and Arkansans welcomed, with unfeigned gratitude, 
the arrival, on the morning of the 20th of July, of the brigade 
that relieved them. Up to about that date it had been im- 


possible without great exposure of life, to move troops held 
in reserve into the trenches — now, it was made easy and safe 
by long traverses leading from the trenches to points beyond 
the range of the enemy's rifles. 

Gathering up their belongings and shouldering their guns, 
the members of the Texas Brigade bade what proved to be a 
final farewell to the scene of thirty days and nights of dis- 
comfort, ever-present danger and continuous noise, and their 
steps quickened by the fear that the tons of powder it was 
known the Federals were placing under ground somewhere 
along that part of the Confederate line, would be exploded 
before they could get beyond reach of its terrors, filed into the 
long traverse and marched to a point a mile southeast of the 
city. There, under the shade of trees, near a little stream of 
clear, running water, and sufficiently far from the firing line 
to dull the roar of guns, big and little, the brigade rested, 
held in reserve, nine days that were all the more pleasant be- 
cause absolutely uneventful. At 3 a. m. of the 28th, how- 
ever, it marched, without beating of drum or blowing of bugle, 
to the extreme left of the Confederate line, where, taking 
refuge in a hollow that ran up into wooded hills, it awaited 
further orders. An effort to capture one of the enemy's forts 
was in contemplation, and the brigade had been selected to 
lead the assault. Some Confederate officer blundered, and 
surmising Lee's intention, Grant not only reinforced that part 
of his line, but turned loose his artillery, and for more than 
two hours the brigade lay under a storm of shells and round- 
shot which, notwithstanding its ineffectiveness, was far from 

The project abandoned by Lee, and the artillery fire having 
ceased, the brigade marched back into Petersburg, and thence, 
crossing the Appomattox, proceeded to Dunlap's Station, the 
then terminus of the Richmond and Petersburg Railroad. 
There it boarded a train and rode to Rice's turnout, whence, 
leaving the train, it marched across James River, and came 
to a halt, an hour before sunset, some distance in rear of 
breastworks, on the heights overlooking that portion of the 
valley of the James known as Deep Bottom, which were then 
occupied by Kershaw's division. On the 27th, it seems, Grant 
had sent a large force to the north side, and to meet it and 


compel its return, Lee had sent over Field's and Kershaw's di- 
visions. But there was only a little skirmishing done, and a 
reconnoissance made after sunset developed the fact that the 
Federals had withdrawn to the protection of their gunboats 
on the river, That night, Kershaw's division returned to Pe- 
tersburg, leaving Field's division to guard against another 
advance of the enemy. Next morning, between daylight and 
6unrise, such members of the Texas Brigade as were then 
awake, heard the roar of the explosion of the long-talked-of 
mine at Petersburg. Confident as they were that the mining 
had been done under that part of the breastworks so long oc- 
cupied by the brigade, it is small wonder that they and all 
their comrades heartily congratulated themselves on their 
timely removal from the vicinity. Bill Calhoun voiced the sen- 
timent of all when he said: "Well, boys, hit's a d — d sight 
more comfortabler ter be stannin' here on good ole Virginny 
terror firmer than ter be danglin', heels up an' heads down, 
over that cussed mine, not knowin' whether you'd strike soft 
or hard groun' when you lit." 


Charles City Road, Darbytown Road, Chaffin's Farm, 

Williamsburg Road 

Thenceforward, until the curtain rose on the last act of 
the tragedy that culminated at Appomattox Court House, the 
Texas Brigade remained on the north side of James River. A 
few days after the affair of July 30 General Grant withdrew 
from that side the bulk of the troops sent there, and Ander- 
son's, Law's and Jenkins' brigades returned to Petersburg — 
only the Texas and Benning's brigades of infantry, and 
Gary's, of cavalry, being left on the north side to protect the 
Confederacy's capital from attack and capture. General 
John Gregg was assigned to the command of these. 

Peace and quiet reigned until August 13, and in shaded 
camp and with nothing to disturb its rest, the Texas com- 
mand felt that its lines were cast in pleasant places. Vege- 
tables were to be had in abundance from the Portuguese, negro 
and " poor white " truck-farmers of the section, and having 
been recently paid off, the men fared as sumptuously as their 
wretchedly small allowance of bread and meat permitted. On 
the 13th, though, their rest was broken by two Federal army 
corps, which,, advancing from Deep Bottom, at daylight of 
the 14th, assailed the Confederate left with a strong line of 
skirmishers. Their force fully twice that of the Confederates, 
the latter, in order to cover their front, formed in single 
line, the men standing six feet apart. As was characteristic 
of the Federal generals of that day, those in command lost 
the advantage of their superior numbers by excess of caution 
and slowness of advance. Not until convinced they had 
double the strength of the Confederates did they order an at- 
tack in force on Gary's cavalry, then holding the Confederate 

The cavalry was driven from its position, but at that junc- 
ture Law's and Anderson's brigades arrived and by a desperate 



charge regained the line lost. Then came darkness, and with 
it a rain that lasted until morning, and the conflict ceased. 
About 10 p. m. the brigades of Wright and Sanders rein- 
forced the Confederates. An hour later the Texas Brigade 
was ordered to the left to assist the cavalry to check the 
steady movement of the enemy in that direction, and until 
nearly sunset of the 16th it played a game of " hide and seek," 
— the hiders being the two brigades of Union cavalry, which 
crossing White Oak swamp on the Charles City Road, were 
moving around the Confederate left toward Richmond—the 
seekers, the Texas Brigade. 

The sky was cloudless, the sun had a full head of steam on*, 
not a breath of air was astir in the dense woodlands through 
which the infantry brigade marched and countermarched, and 
water was not to be had except at the slow-flowing wells of 
the few denizens of the section. Still, the hiding and seeking 
went merrily and diligently on until, about the middle of the 
afternoon, the Federal troopers learned that Texas and Ar- 
kansas infantry were doing the latter, and decided to quit the 
game. Leaving a regiment to act as rear-guard, their main 
body beat a hasty and safe retreat. The rear-guard was not 
so fortunate. Cornered by the Texas Brigade, about sunset, 
on Fraser's farm, and cut off from the corduroy on which only 
was the passage of White Oak swamp feasible, a couple of 
hundred of them were killed, wounded and captured, and half 
as many more rode their steeds into the swamp, hoping by 
some miracle to escape its bogs. The remainder, more daring 
and sensible, faced the bullets long enough to gain the cor- 
duroy road, and go clattering down it, followed by a rifle 
fire that emptied many saddles before their occupants were out 
of range. Of those who plunged into the swamp, a few es- 
caped capture, but none a submersion, head and ears, in the 
foul-smelling ooze into which they and their steeds sank. 
Quite a number of the men and ten or fifteen horses were pulled 
out of the mire by the Confederates, but many valuable ani- 
mals had to be left to die of starvation. 

While the Texas Brigade was thus engaged, severe fighting 
was done on that part of the line it had left the night before. 
Grant had reinforced his north side contingent until the 
enemy outnumbered the Confederates three to one, and to hold 


their lines at all, the latter were driven to fight in single rank. 
All day long seven brigades of infantry and three of cavalry 
— all the troops Lee could spare from the south side, num- 
bering at the outside, about 10,000 — contested the field 
against 35,000 Federals ; and although at one time they were 
driven out of their intrenchments, at another, in the late after- 
noon, they retook these works by a gallant charge in which 
they inflicted on the enemy a loss of 2500. The total loss 
of the Union troops during the day was about 6000, and of 
these, the larger part were negroes. The Texas Brigade lost 
none killed, and very few wounded — its heaviest loss being 
occasioned by sunstroke. One of the negroes captured, who 
was interviewed by a Texan, said : " Yassir, Marster, I use 
ter lib down dar on de Eas'ern Shoah, an' de Yankees day come 
erlong an' tole me ter jine de ahmy an' fight fur de brack 
man's freedom. Dar wahnt no way outer jinin', but fo' God, 
Marster, dis chile wouldn't nebbah un chawged you white 
folkses breas' wuks lack we did, eff der Yankkees hadn't er 
tole us day'd shoot us eff we didn't. Hit war deff eeder way, 
fur all de Yankees war er talkin' de same way, an' er stannin' 
right dar behin' us, wid dar guns in dar han's." 

Returning to its old position on New Market Heights on 
the night of the 16th, the Texas Brigade spent the 17th in de- 
sultory, long-distance sharpshooting. The enemy appeared 
content with the defeat of the day before, and so made no 
movement forward, or to right or left. On the 18th the fore- 
noon passed without incident ; in the afternoon there was a 
cavalry engagement on the Confederate left, and some artillery 
firing and much sharpshooting at New Market Heights ; and 
that night, despairing of reaching Richmond from the north, 
General Grant recalled the bulk of his troops to the south side, 
leaving only two or three negro brigades to guard his pontoon 
bridge at Deep Bottom. The Confederate commander also 
ordered all his brigades, save the Texas, Benning's, Bushrod 
Johnson's and Gary's, back to Petersburg. 

On the 21st the Texas Brigade was assigned position at the 
Phillips house — its duty, to watch the movements of the negro 
brigades in Deep Bottom, and give notice of any attempt to 
reinforce them. It remained there five weeks. But they were 
not idle weeks, for the maintenance of a line of pickets that 


would cover the whole front of the negro brigades required 
the daily detail of one-third of its men. But for all that, life 
at the Phillips house was not unen joy able. Many vegetables 
and fruits were in season, and high-priced as they were, they 
were bought as long as the last two months' pay lasted. 
Moreover, not only were the Richmond papers brought daily 
to camp, but the New York Herald and other Northern jour- 
nals were easily to be had from negro pickets, in exchange for 
the tobacco with which Commodore Dunn, our sutler, kept 
the brigade so well supplied. 

Along toward the last days of September General Grant 
believed the time ripe for renewed activity on the north side; 
wherefore, he started 40,000 men in that direction, under Gen- 
eral Ord, with instructions to proceed without delay into 
Richmond. On the 27th these crossed the James River at 
Deep Bottom, got well into position on the 28th, and at day- 
light of the 29th, with negro troops in the van and covering 
their entire front, moved forward against the 3000 Confeder- 
ates, all told, then between them and their goal. Of this 3000, 
Johnson's brigade was on the river above Drury's Bluff — Ben- 
ning's, at New Market Heights — Gary's, guarding the Charles 
City Road — and the Texas, at the Phillips house, between 
Benning's and Johnson's, two miles to the right of the one and 
three to the left of the other. Half way between the Texas 
and Johnson's commands, was Fort Harrison, then occupied 
by a small force of Confederate artillery. On the inner line 
of intrenchments around the city, a mile and a half in rear 
of the Texas Brigade, and a like distance in rear of Fort Har- 
rison, was Fort Gilmer, which was defended by a few heavy 
siege guns, under the management of a few trained artiller- 
ists and the City Battalion, composed of old men and boys, 
and such clerks in governmental departments as were able to 
bear arms. The line to be defended against the 40,000 Fed- 
eral soldiers extended from Drury's Bluff down the river about 
eight miles. 

With daylight came a dense, obscuring fog, and through 
it was heard a roar that sounded like the bellowing of ten 
thousand wild bulls ; it was the shout of the negroes as they 
valorously charged the picket line in their front. A minute 
later it was learned that the first attack would be up a narrow 


creek valley across which ran the Confederate line, and thither 
the Texas Brigade hastened. In this little valley the fog was 
so thick as to render large objects, a hundred feet distant, in- 
distinguishable. Forming in single line, six feet apart, the 
Texans and Arkansans awaited the onset of the enemy. They 
could distinctly hear the Federal officers, as in loud tones they 
gave such commands as were needed to keep their men moving 
in line, but until the line approached within a hundred feet, 
could see nothing; even then, only a wavering dark line was 
visible. As it became so, and as was usual in those days, with- 
out waiting for orders, the Confederates sprang to the top of 
the low breastworks, and commenced firing — " shooting at 
shadows," one of them said. 

About the same instant a Federal officer shouted in sten- 
torian voice, " Charge, men — Charge ! " But only by the 
negroes immediately in front of the First Texas was the order 
obeyed by a rush forward that carried a regiment of the poor 
wretches up to, and in one or more places, across the breast- 
works, and right in among the First Texans. The latter, since 
Spottsylvania Court House well-provided with bayonets, were 
experts in the use of them, defensively and offensively, and in 
less than three minutes one-half of the assailants were shot 
down or bayoneted, and the other half, prisoners. In front 
of the other regiments the darkey charge lasted but a second 
or two, and covered not more than five paces. It was, in fact, 
simply a spasmodic response to the order. Then the black 
line halted, and for a moment stood motionless, obviously de- 
liberating whether the more danger was to be apprehended 
from the Southern men in front, or the Northern men in rear. 
Apparently, they decided on a compromise, for the half of 
those that survived the terrible fire poured into their ranks, 
threw down their guns, and wheeling, fled to the rear, and the 
other half dropped flat on the ground, and lay there until 
they were led away as captives. 

In effect, it was a massacre. Not a dozen shots in all were 
fired by the blacks, not a man in the Texas Brigade received 
a wound, and save in the First Texas, not a man was for a 
second in danger. The firing lasted not exceeding five min- 
utes, but in that short space of time, if the New York Herald 
be good authority, a Confederate brigade numbering scant 800 


men, killed 194 negroes and 23 of their white officers. Es- 
timating the killed as one-fifth of the total loss, it will appear 
that about 1000 of the colored defenders of the Union were 
shot out of service in that five minutes. Of the many negroes 
who dropped to the ground unhurt, quite a number preferred 
to serve their individual captors as slaves, to confinement in 
Southern prisons, and did so serve them until the close of the 

The firing had hardly ceased when word came that Gary's 
cavalry and Benning's brigade had been driven from their 
positions, and were in rapid retreat to the inner line of in- 
trenchments on which stood Fort Gilmer, and that if the 
Texas Brigade did not " get a move on," and a fast one at 
that, it would be cut off from Richmond and its comrade 
commands on the north side. Immediately following that in- 
formation, came a courier from General Gregg with the more 
alarming intelligence that Fort Harrison had been captured 
by the enemy, and with an order that the Texas Brigade re- 
port as quickly as possible to Gregg at that point. The 
capture of the fort, as every man knew, placed the brigade in a 
critical position, and within a minute it was double-quicking up 
the outer line of intrenchments it had so long guarded — the 
broad, level ditch affording not only the shortest route, but 
as well, the best footing for rapid travel. It had not gone a 
mile, though, before it was a long, straggling line of panting, 
perspiring and almost exhausted men. 

But no halt was made until Fort Harrison came in view, and 
General Gregg met it. Having waited a quarter of an hour, 
perhaps, for the men to close up, he led them around in rear 
of the fort, intending to order a charge upon it. Before they 
gained a desirable position, however, Gregg learned that the 
Federals on the left were rapidly nearing the inner line of 
intrenchments, and knowing that with these in their posses- 
sion Richmond was at their mercy, he ordered the men to 
make the best speed possible to that inner line. It was a race 
with them and the enemy which would get there first, but they 
won, lining up in the undefended works to the right of Fort 
Gilmer, in the nick of time to prevent their seizure by the 
Federals. It was the " last ditch " between the Union forces 
and Richmond, and had they won it then, or at any time within 


the next eight hours, as by one determined attack on its few- 
defenders — a mere corporal's guard as compared with their 
40,000 — they might unquestionably have done, Appomattox 
would have been anticipated by fully six months. 

But they made no determined attack ; such advances as were 
made were by unsupported brigades, but to meet even these, 
and repel them, the Confederates were compelled to hurry from 
one to another widely separated point, and there fight in single 
rank and far apart. The Texas Brigade alone defended a 
line of breastworks a mile and a half long, and to do that each 
of its men had to be practically ubiquitous. How long they 
could have held out was not fairly tested, for at 3 p. m. rein- 
forcements from the south side came to their aid and at sight 
of them the 40,000 Federals abandoned a contest in which, 
up to that hour, they had held all the winning cards, and fell 
back to the shelter and concealment of the forests. 

The defense of Richmond against odds of more than thir- 
teen to one by the four little brigades that fought so gallantly 
and obstinately until three o'clock that day, deserves a tribute 
of praise that has never been awarded them. Excepting as 
they obeyed the general directions of their officers, the fight 
was made by the privates alone, each man his own general — 
the officers, figureheads. The loss of the Federals was about 
2300 — that of the Confederates, about 100. But for the 
pluck, the uncommanded pluck of the heavy artillerists and of 
privates of the Texas and Benning's brigades, Fort Gilmer, 
the one place where the attack of the Federals seemed most 
determined, must have fallen, and had it, Richmond would 
have been in the grasp of the Union army. It was here that 
Caw'pul Dick, a burly black corporal, met his death. The 
incident is related in the letter of a Texan, as follows : 

" A brigade of negroes, supported — or, rather, urged for- 
ward — by white troops, made an assault on Fort Gilmer, but 
the artillerists there were game, and, by the help of half a 
hundred Georgia and Texas infantry, easily repelled the at- 
tack. Death in their rear as surely as in their front, — the 
prisoners taken declared that they would have been fired upon 
by their supports had they refused to advance — the poor dar- 
keys came on, for a while, with a steadiness which betokened 
disaster to the Confederates. But suddenly the line began to 


waver and twist, and then there was a positive halt by all, 
except perhaps a hundred, who rushed forward and, miracu- 
lously escaping death, tumbled head-long and pell-mell into 
the wide and deep ditch surrounding the fort. 

" i S urr ender, you black scoundrels ! ' shouted the com- 
mander of the fort. 

" ' S'rendah yo'seff , sah ! ' came the reply in a stentorian 
voice. ' Jess wait'll we'uns git in dah, eff yer wanter.' Then 
they began lifting each other up to the top of the parapet, but 
no sooner did a head appear above it than its owner was killed 
by a shot from the rifles of the infantry. 

" ' Less liff Caw'pul Dick up,' one of them suggested ; ' he'll 
git in dah, suah ; ' and the corporal was accordingly hoisted, 
only to fall back lifeless, with a bullet through his head. 

" 6 Dah now ! ' loudly exclaimed another of his companions ; 
' Caw'pul Dick done dead! What I done bin tole yer? ' 

" Yet, notwithstanding the loss of Corporal Dick, it was 
not until the inmates of the fort threw lighted shells over into 
the ditch that the darkeys came to terms and crawled, one 
after another, through an opening at the end of the ditch, 
into the fort." 

Their capture on the 29th of September, of Fort Harrison, 
was a distinct gain to the Federals. Holding it, General Lee 
had been able to confine the enemy on the north side to the 
valley of the James, below Drury's Bluff; losing it, he was 
compelled to withdraw his forces from the heights north of the 
James, and place them within a line of intrenchments encir- 
cling Richmond, and, at various points, not over three mile^ 
from the city. This gave the Federals outlet into the country 
north of Richmond. Lee, however, did not withdraw without 
an effort to recapture Fort Harrison, and with it, regain pos- 
session of the ground lost on the 29th, for on the 30th he or- 
dered an assault made on the fort by a portion of the troops 
sent over from the south side. But, though well-managed and 
made with great vigor and determination, the attack failed of 
success, and emboldened by the defeat administered their op- 
ponents, the Federal commanders led their troops out of the 
river valley on to the heights from which, for the first time, 
they caught sight of the high church steeples of the doomed 
capital of the Southern Confederacy — Kautz's cavalry, sup- 


ported by several brigades of infantry, taking position on, 
and building formidable intrenchments and fortifications 
across the Darbytown Road, at a point six miles from 

The Texas Brigade took no part in the operations of the 
30th, and remained unemployed, save in the performance of 
arduous picket duty, until October 7th. On that day, at 3 
a. m., it was called into line, and with the other brigades of 
Field's, and several brigades of Hoke's division, marched in 
the direction of the intrenchments across the Darbytown Road 
— General Lee having planned a reconnoissance in force, to de- 
termine the position and strength of the enemy north of James 
River. That he deemed this of great importance, is evident 
from the fact that he directed the movement in person. 

Kautz's cavalry was easily handled ; attacked at early dawn, 
from front and flank, by a strong line of skirmishers, it 
abandoned its artillery, and lost little time in placing itself 
well in rear of its infantry supports. These occupied a line 
of well-constructed intrenchments, extending along the crest 
of a long ridge, in front of which much timber had been felled 
and fashioned into an abatis exceedingly difficult of passage. 
Half a mile from and in front of the center of the breastworks 
stood an uncompleted fort in which were several of the cannon 
captured — its defenders making but a brief stand against the 
Confederate skirmish line. Passing to the left of this fort and 
a little beyond it, the Texas Brigade fell into line of battle, 
and waited for the other troops to march into position on its 
right and left — General Lee having planned to use the larger 
part of the forces he had at hand in a simultaneous advance 
and assault. 

Captain W. T. Hill, of the Fifth Texas, writing of the bat- 
tle, relates the following incident : " The Texas Brigade 
formed in line about twenty yards from a dim road, on which, 
immediately in front of my company, General Lee, unattended, 
sat on his horse, obviously awaiting reports from members of 
his staff engaged in forming the troops in line. After quite a 
little while, one of his aides approached him and saluted, 
and Lee asked if all the commands were ready for the ad- 
vance. ' None but the Texas Brigade, General,' said the 
aide. ' The Texas Brigade is always ready,' commented 


General Lee. His tone was not loud, but in the still, frosty 
air of the early morning, every member of my company could 
distinctly hear his words." 

Another member of the brigade, a private, says : 
" It was a case of ' noblesse oblige ' with the Texas Brigade 
— i a ground hog case,' as one of the boys put it. ' Marse 
Robert ' was on the field and had his eye on it, and inspired 
by the consciousness of that fact, every man in it went for- 
ward with the resolve to do his level best. But luck and the 
odds were overwhelmingly with the Yankees that day. Their 
position was strong, and every tree of the many lying on the 
ground over which we charged, pointed its sharpened branches 
at our eyes, faces, bodies and clothing. No sooner was a fel- 
low out of the detaining clutch of one, than another presented 
itself, and taking hold of flesh or clothing, held him captive 
a while. There was no staying in line, and could be none — 
it was each one for himself, in the effort to get through, over 
or around the abatis. Yet, the brigade moved gallantly on, 
by jerks and spurts, until an enfilading fire commenced sweep- 
ing down on it from the right, and a look in that direction in- 
formed it that Hoke's division had come to a halt. Glancing 
then to the left, and noting that small headway was being 
made by the Confederates there, the main body of the bri- 
gade halted in a depression, about 300 yards short of the 
breastworks, in which, to some extent, protection against the 
enemy's rapid and withering fire was afforded. 

" But although the brigade halted short of the breastworks, 
individual members of it went close to them, and while the 
fight lasted, the space between brigade and intrenchments was 
dotted with such stragglers to the front — some of them, in- 
deed, going so far that retreat would have been unwise, and 
they surrendered. The loss of the brigade in killed, wounded 
and prisoners was greater than in any engagement since the 
Wilderness, but there is no record from which exact figures 
can be obtained. Its most notable loss was that of General 
John Gregg, who was killed while closely following his com- 
mand and directing its movements. A brave and capable 
officer, he had won its respect and confidence, if not its love, 
and his untimely death was sincerely regretted. His remains 
were followed by the Texas Brigade to Richmond, and buried 

J. B. Poi^EY 
Private, Company F, Fourth Texas Regiment 



in Hollywood Cemetery. He was the last officer holding the 
rank of brigadier-general that commanded the Texas Brigade., 
and the battle in which he fell proved the last, worthy of the 
name, in which the brigade engaged." 

Unsuccessful as was the attack of the 7th on the enemy's 
intrenchments, it sufficed to reveal to General Lee the strength 
and position of the Federals on the north side, and he did not 
order a renewal of the assault. Along toward the middle of 
the day Field's division filed to the left and, taking advantage 
of protecting hills and hollows, withdrew from in front of the 
breastworks. The Texas Brigade marched to and took posi- 
tion at the place, four miles from Richmond, where it was des- 
tined to remain until the following spring, practically undis- 
turbed by the Federals — General Butler's forces wisely, if not 
valorously, keeping at long-distance range from its rifles, even 
when, on the 27th of October, they essayed to force their way 
into Richmond. On that day, for the purpose, it was said, of 
strengthening " Lincoln's prospects in the near-at-hand presi- 
dential election '' of 1864, by a couple of victories, General 
Grant sent a column of 32,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry to 
turn Lee's right at Hatcher's Run, fourteen miles southwest 
of Petersburg, and also ordered General Butler to make a dem- 
onstration against Richmond. Neither movement was crowned 
with success — Hancock, at Hatcher's Run, being not only de- 
feated, but losing heavily in men and cannon, and Butler, on 
the north side, moving with a caution that defeated his object. 

Of the battle of October 27th, Captain W. T. Hill, who was 
then commanding the Fifth Texas, writes as follows : 

" All of Field's division were then on the north side — the 
Texas Brigade holding the left of the infantry line, and Gary's 
cavalry being on the left of the Texas Brigade. About the 
middle of the afternoon, the advance guard of the Federals 
attacked and drove back to the breastworks a portion of 
Gary's cavalry, then holding position somewhat in advance of 
their comrades. The Texas Brigade was instantly double- 
quicked to Gary's relief, and to cover the front of the advanc- 
ing Federals, our men stood in single line, about eight feet 
apart. Benning's and Anderson's Georgia brigades followed 
the movement to the left, and also fell into single line. Just 


as the three commands got fairly into line and position, a 
Federal battery and two regiments of infantry emerged from 
the woods in our front — the artillery taking position on the 
north side of the Williamsburg road, and the infantry on the 
south side. From their movements, it was evident that they 
were somewhat surprised at finding infantry, instead of cavalry 
alone, in their front. 

" Finally, the Federal infantry moved forward against us. 
But they came only about two hundred yards when, met by 
our bullets, they lay down. Their battery did effective work, 
though, at one time blowing up one of our caissons and com- 
pelling our men near it to jump over to the outside of the 
breastworks. Two men of each company of the brigade were 
at once ordered to concentrate their fire on the battery, and, 
if possible, to kill all its horses. Their fire was so accurate 
and destructive that fearing they would lose the battery for 
want of teams to pull the guns, the Federals hitched up and 
galloped away with it, leaving their infantry still recumbent 
on the ground. They lay there for an hour. Then W. A. 
Traylor, of Company D, Fifth Texas, sprang over the breast- 
works and, entirely alone, made for them. I called to him and 
ordered him to come back and rejoin his company. Halting 
and facing me, he said : ' But, Captain, these slow-going gen- 
erals of ours are going to sit still until night comes, and let 
those Yankees out yonder get away.' And facing to the front 
again, he continued his solitary advance. But he had not gone 
thirty yards when, waiting for no orders, the men sprang over 
the breastworks, and forming in line with him, proceeded to 
the capture of the Federals. Traylor's line of advance led him 
to a little gulley quite near our breastworks in which lay, con- 
cealed from our view, a brave Federal who had done us much 
harm by his constant and generally accurate fire. When Tray- 
lor was within forty yards of the gulley, this man fired at him, 
but missing his mark, paid for his gallantry with his life — 
Traylor firing and killing him. By this unordered advance, 
several hundred Federals were captured, the greater part of 
the two regiments having crawled back to the woods. It is 
but fair to say, that with the Texas Brigade in its unordered 
advance, went both the Georgia brigades.'' 

It was on the Williamsburg road that the Texas Brigade 


was stationed. But at no time during the day did the Fed- 
erals assault the intrenchments it held, their effort on that 
part of the line being, seemingly, to frighten the Confederates 
into precipitate flight, by a show of immensely superior num- 
bers, at a distance never less than a quarter of a mile. Butler 
had under his command '30,000 men — Longstreet had only 
6000. Grant's army then numbered 110,000— Lee's, 40,000; 
Grant's was well-fed, and well-clothed, and shod — Lee's was 
starving, ragged, and barefooted — and, if of spirit and resolu- 
tion, if of courage and honest conviction, Grant's army had 
possessed a tithe of that which animated Lee's, it could have 
marched into Richmond any day it pleased. But it lacked 
even that tithe, and knowing it, General Grant allowed it to 
remain idle and inactive after October 27th, until the last days 
of March, 1865. It was, perhaps, wise that he should; many 
in numbers and well-equipped as the Union army was, its 
morale was at a low ebb, and had been since his butchery of 
his men at Cold Harbor, after which they fought but half- 
heartedly. That truth is confessed in Walker's life of Gen- 
eral Hancock, in Greeley's work, " The American Conflict,'* 
and in many contemporaneous writings. 

At that time — November 1, 1864 — and thereafter until 
April, 1865, Lee's 40,000 Confederates defended and held a 
line of intrenchments forty miles in length, and stretching from 
Hatcher's Run, south of Petersburg, to the Chickahominy. To 
man its entire length they must have stood in single rank, five 
feet apart. Of guns and ammunition only, of courage and 
determination alone, had they abundant supplies. Even fuel 
for the fires needed to warm their shivering bodies was doled 
out to them with sparing hand, for there was no forage for 
the skeleton teams that hauled it. The quarter of a pound of 
bacon and the pound of meal that, under the rules of the War 
Department, were the daily assignment to each man were barely 
enough to maintain their strength, but even this allowance 
failed when the railroads broke down and left immense quan- 
tities of such provisions piled up beside their tracks in Georgia 
and the Carolinas, and for lack of them the daily ration was 
reduced to less than one-half. 

Just across the way, beyond the two opposing lines of 
pickets and at many places in plain view of the hard-run 


Confederates, lay the abundantly-tented winter-quarters of the 
well-fed and comfortably-clad Federals. Among the Confed- 
erates, and ever present to the end, at Appomattox, famine 
stalked, grim, gaunt, unrelenting, and cold penetrated the thin 
clothing of the men and chilled them to the marrow — among 
the Federals, plenty reigned, no man went hungry and none 
cold. Yet, great as were the material differences between the 
two armies, it is neither venture nor boast to say that thence- 
forward until Appomattox the Union army remained convinced 
and could not be shaken in the belief that any one of Lee's 
men was equal to any three of its own in fighting ability. 
Nor can it be doubted by the dispassionate and unprejudiced 
student of the history of those days that both General Grant 
and the most able of his subordinate commanders had not only 
a profound respect for the generalship of Lee, but, as well, a 
wholesome and abiding fear of it. 

Grant confessed as much when, at the outset of his cam- 
paign, he declined to maneuver, and declared his intention of 
exhausting Lee's army by attrition. Its movements, well-di- 
rected, there was never a day after May 4, 1864, that the 
Union army, fighting with spirit, confidence, and obstinacy, 
could not have brushed the Confederate army out of its way 
and marched into Richmond. Pluck and daring, resolute and 
unyielding as it may be, can accomplish little when confronted 
by equal pluck and daring on the part of such vastly superior 
numbers as Grant had under his command. Weight tells in 
any contest. 

Winter at hand, and the Federals appearing inclined to a 
cessation of active hostilities, the men of the Texas Brigade 
set about the construction of shelters from the cold. These 
were neither imposing nor very comfortable structures. Little 
timber had been left standing inside the intrenchments, and 
that north of them was so jealously guarded by the enemy 
that it could not be counted on as available. The only lumber 
accessible was that in deserted buildings, and this, for lack of 
teams, had to be carried on the shoulders of the soldiers lucky 
enough to be in time to secure shares in such material. Nails 
were things of the past — hatchets, saws, and hammers were 
few — and axes, seldom more than one to the company, were 
the only tools procurable. But with these, hovels were built 


which, when roofed with tents, blankets and like makeshifts, 
and provided with fireplaces and chimneys made of mud and 
sticks, proved desirable dwelling places for men so long inured 
to hardship. In them the soldiers cooked, ate and slept, played 
cards, checkers, cribbage and chess, laughed, talked, jested 
and joked, and, strange to say, were not altogether unhappy. 

Not all of their time, by long odds, though, was spent in 
the hovels and in idleness. Picketing had to be done against 
the Federals in their front. This being but a duty and pre- 
caution, offered little of adventure and excitement, and these, 
eagerly sought for, not only were details made of organized 
and instructed parties of scouts under command of trusted 
officers, but permissions to scout were given liberally to indi- 
viduals and parties desiring to operate on their own hook. 
The organized parties, as a rule, gave little annoyance to the 
enemy, but the independent scouts went right in close to his 
camps and kept his men in constant alarm ; in fact, during 
that winter, not a Federal within five miles of the Texas Bri- 
gade dared, after nightfall, stray beyond the guarded limits 
of his regiment's camp, or in broad daylight go far from it 
alone, lest he be pounced upon by Texan or Arkansan, relieved 
of his valuables and led into captivity. 

The only movement made by the Texas Brigade as a com- 
mand during the winter of 1864-5 was on the 20th of Decem- 
ber, 1864. Its objects and incidents are related by Private 
J. H. Cosgrove, of Company C, Fourth Texas, as follows : 

" The cold, chilly winds of December had stolen all military 
ambition from the older officers of ' Lee's Army ' ; the weather, 
combined with the seeming hopelessness of our cause, had pro- 
duced that lassitude which, to the practiced eye, is a token 
of coming dissolution. 

" Not so, however, with that indefatigable, red-headed Col- 
onel, who, the winter before, had alarmed the enemy at Ply- 
mouth, N. C, and under Hoke's command had gained no small 
repute as a leader in bold and dashing enterprises. His name 
was Anderson. Small of stature, quick spoken, leaving more 
to be understood than expressed, and quite nervous in his 
movements, he suggested the reconnoissance of the 20th of 
December, 1864 ; the last aggressive movement made by the 


Texas Brigade, except such as covered the retreat to the Ap- 

" It was a bitter cold day ; a day preceded by times of 
heavy snow and a freeze which so hardened the crust that it 
bore up the men, though the artillery sunk through and into 
the rotten soil, and the cavalry cut it up dreadfully. To add 
to this, the day was gloomy. Murky clouds hung low and 
depressed the men's spirits. 

" In this weather, Colonel Anderson suggested a dash on 
the enemy's lines on the ' North Side,' not so much to achieve 
important direct results as to annoy the Yankees, keep them 
in the open, and disturb as much as possible their repose. And 
then important direct results might develop, which could be 
taken advantage of. 

*' These did develop, but Anderson with all his dash was not 
equal in that regard to the Texas Brigade skirmish line. I 
remember that I was acting Clerk to Haywood Brayhan, Lieu- 
tenant Co. F, and since Jack Sutherland's disabling, acting 
Adjutant, and that as the Brigade moved out to the ' sally 
port ' on the Charles City road, I slipped and fell several times, 
as I ran along the line of march, delivering the mail to the 
regiment. At the ' sally port ' was a Washington artillery 
battery which had moved out before us. Some mile or so be- 
yond we took a ' woods ' road which led to and intersected 
the pike to the * Pottery ' and to ' Deep Bottom.' 

" As we had scouted all through this country, our Brigade 
was placed in front, and with Ed Crockett, Dansby, Kay, Ben- 
net Wood and others, I went on the skirmish line, which was 
made up of Texans and South Carolinians. There were about 
sixty or eighty of us under command of Major Martin; and 
sixty or eighty men those late days in the war in Virginia 
made what was then called a Regiment, in size and front cov- 
ering. And then the sixty or eighty men were a survival, not 
of the fit, but of those who were at first the fittest. They were 
trained, and as Joe Polley would remark, ' tried and true.' 

" Just beyond the New Market Pike we struck the enemy's 
pickets, and with a rush and a yell, ran in on the reserves 
at the heels of the videttes. Just then it began to snow lightly, 
and the sight at that moment was indescribably grand. 

" At the Yankee reserves' bivouac, fires made from rails 


burning their entire length, cast a crimson glow ; the snow 
was lazily drifting in huge flakes ; the red flash of the small 
arms against a white background; the flying enemy — dark 
from their blue uniforms — and the pursuing Confederates, have 
left with me a lasting impression. At the moment, I called 
Crockett's, Wood's and Dansby's attention to the picture, and 
began to dilate on its sublimity, when some smart-alex of a 
staff officer, as unpoetic as a mummy, remarked : ' We'll defer 
your fancies, young man, to a season less serious.' General 
Fields, riding near, retorted, ' You're right, my Texas friend. 
It is beautiful. Something like Moscow.' To which I replied, 
' General, I hope not in results.' And forward we pushed. 

" The ' bitterness ' of the cold that day came with a thaw 
which ' slushed ' the snow, and from then on it was to keep 
feet from frost bite. Mine became so cold at times that, find- 
ing an open, unfrozen spring stream, I would bathe them in 
its icy water to find relief from the cruel pain. All my dry 
socks went, as did those of all the boys. 

" Always moving to the left and obliquely forward, we 
came, towards the noon of that short winter day, to the 
broken holly-grown lands, through which deep worn gulleys 
debouch into the James River's second-bottom land, a plateau 
following that stream to the coastlands below. I had been all 
day with Major Martin, Ed Crockett and Dansby, practically, 
as the last two were nearly always my camp and scouting 
companions. But in this broken and thickety country I be- 
came separated from them. Coming up a deep ravine-side to 
the crest of a hill covered by scrub pine and holly, with no 
openings except the stock trail I followed, I came suddenly 
upon a Yankee skirmisher. We were face to face and not ten 
feet apart. He was in a stooping position, looking at me 
from over a large and, as I afterwards found, rotten log. My 
gun was at an easy trail, and I fired quickly from the hip. 

" I hit that log, and the rotten dust flew like a cloud. I 
knew my best chance was to charge him, and as there was no 
return fire I was sure I had my man. A step or two and I 
was at the log, but that Yankee had rolled down the hill and 
was clean gone. I never touched him ; but he was at least 
worse scared than I was, and that was enough. 

" I could hear firing at the hill's foot, and going down its 


steep sides I found a South Carolina crowd trying to go 
through an open apple orchard which the enemy defended from 
the other side. I clambered over the fence, but a sharp fire 
drove me to an apple tree, where I heard Dansby's voice: 

4 Jim, you fool,' he cried, ' what in h are you doing in 

there? ' My reply, I remember, was, * Nothing just now, but 
you fellows can get me out alive if you'll go around and flank 
this patch.' 

" And go around they did, to my great pleasure, for I 
thought, for some time, that I was a goner. The Yankees 
were about 200 yards away, and that apple tree felt so small 
to me when they would clip all around it. As far as my 
movements were concerned, I hugged the earth and let them 
do the shooting. After that, I got with Dansby, and we kept 
together, all along, till the finish. 

" You remember the Dutchman who was so brave and so 
bad? Well, that day he was with us. He had lately returned 
from Saulsbury, N. C, where he had served a term for ' mug- 
ging ' a comrade and robbing him of his money. After his 
pardon and return Colonel Winker had him marching along 
the breastworks, two hours on and four hours off, with a 
placard tacked to his back containing this legend in large 
letters : ' Stole his comrade's rations ' — an offense deadly se- 
rious when 6 ounces of flour or meal, and 4 ounces of meat 
daily, was all we got — except cow peas. But he would fight, 
and fight as bravely as the best of us. On that cold day, his 
legs became so swollen he could not drag himself along. The 
heavy ball and chain he had worn in North Carolina had done 
him up. 

" Doctor Terrell advised him to go to the rear, but he said : 
' Doc, I can't do that. My honor as a soldier won't permit it.' 
Terrell turned to me, with the peculiar smile that wrinkled his 
nose, and said: 'Well, I'm damned! Cosgrove, how is that 
for a psychologic phenomenon ? ' I gave it up. 

" Dansby and myself scouted around the enemy's right, and 
found them not so numerous. We got well behind their line, 
and into an old saw pit. From this, we began to fire on a 
horseman out in the open, and soon had him dodging to beat 
the band. But he was too far away to hit except by accident, 
and after several shots at him, no accident happened. 


" Behind him was a breastwork with troops in it, and a 
forted battery. This seemed their main line, and built to 
protect their James River pontoon and their lines along Deep 
Bottom. We found Major Martin and told him of it. He 
said he didn't know where the brigade was. Dansby and I 
were in the same fix, but we told the Major we knew where we 
were, and he was perfectly satisfied. 

" Crockett came up just then and suggested to the Major 
to charge the Yankees out of the woods, as their fire was 
annoying and hurting somebody, now and then. ' I gad, boys, 
we'll do it,' said Martin, and yelled out, ' Charge 'em,' which 
Crockett emphasized by * dad blame 'em,' and Dansby and 
myself more sulphuriously. 

" At 'em we went, shooting and yelling like H — alifax. 
They broke and fled, and we followed across the snow-covered 
field, close on their heels. Major Martin cried out, 6 Go into 
the breastworks with 'em/ and go we did! 

" Do any of you remember Dansby's smile ; a grin rather, 
that covered his face. When we got breath he turned to Mar- 
tin, and with that grin, remarked, ' Major, don't this beat 
you?' The Major, dear old soul, laughed and said, 'Well, 
nighly.' Here we were in possession of the enemy's breast- 
works, and ' slap-dab ' in their rear, as Martin remarked, with 
about 40 men, and to put it as Dansby did, ' forty miles from 
nowhere.' Martin's query, ' I gosh, where you reckon the bri- 
gade is? ' I can hear to this day. A wandering cavalry man 
was sent to find them. 

" In a little while ' our friends, the enemy,' came back with 
a big force and a battery, and after a sharp fight drove Major 
Martin and his 40 Texans back to the woods where we had 
'flushed' them just before we took their line. 

" Here we hung on. They shelled and shot at us, but the 
Major kept us at it. We found big trees, built fires behind 
them to keep us warm, and when night fell, the South Caro- 
lina brigade found us. General Fields was along and took a 
look at the enemy, but under a sharp fire, and concluded it 
was now too late. 

" Wasn't that a sad word to us all, many and many the 
time? Well, the old Major had done all he could, and as he 
remarked, ' I gad, I couldn't whip the whole Yankee army 


with forty Texans, but I did carry their works and whip a 
whole lot of 'em, by gad.' 

" Going back to our huts, miles away, through that dark 
and slush and cold, was one of my most trying experiences,, 
but when I had warmed up, had supper and a smoke, and 
was cozy in my bunk, I heard the horsemen coming along the 
Charles City Pike, and remarked to my comrades : ' Well, at 
least I wouldn't be a cavalryman.' " 



From and after November, 1864, the Southern Confederacy 
lay in the throes of fast-approaching death. Its credit, even 
at home, was gone — its prestige abroad was lost — its resources 
were exhausted. Following the uplifting excitement of the 
practically continuous battle which, since early spring, had 
wasted the strength of the Confederate armies on the firing 
lines in Virginia, Georgia and Tennessee, and especially after 
the disastrous ending of Hood's Nashville campaign, a reac- 
tion came. The hopes that had sustained and encouraged 
people and armies grew faint, and to thinking men whose 
pride could humble itself to an abandonment of its dream of 
Southern independence and separate nationality, the one and 
only thing that seemed desirable, or even possible, was an 
honorable peace. 

Of the Confederate soldiers then in the field but a scant 
fourth were at the front, or, at that late period, could be 
brought there. Of the remainder, more than half of them 
stood inactive in the Trans-Mississippi department of the Con- 
federacy — held there as much by their own reluctance to share 
the danger of active service elsewhere as by the presumed 
military necessity of securing that section against invasion and 
devastation. The residue operated in scattered detachments 
in Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and eastern Louisiana, and 
along the Atlantic coast, fighting, it is true, bravely and un- 
flinchingly, but, save the gain of occasional temporary advan- 
tage, unavailingly. In brief, except in those sections of the 
South where Lee's and Hood's armies confronted the enemy, 
and in Texas, the war, ceasing to be national, had degenerated 
into the guerilla stage, in which this or that quasi-independent 
band of partisans sought not so much to aid the cause they 
espoused as to gratify personal animosities and wreak revenge 
on personal enemies. 

On December 1, 1864, Lee's army held Richmond and Peters- 



burg against the hosts under command of Grant ; and Hood's, 
then marching on Nashville, had just lost its opportunity at 
Spring Hill to deal the enemy a crushing blow, but at Frank- 
lin, though at immense sacrifice, had driven him out of his 
works and into hurried retreat. General Dick Taylor, in com- 
mand of a small force of infantry and cavalry, was operating 
in the vicinity of Mobile, but doing neither harm to the enemy 
nor good to the Confederate cause. Kirby Smith and Ma- 
gruder played at soldiering in the Trans-Mississippi depart- 
ment, effecting naught save to keep Federal troops out of 
Texas. Of the Federal armies, that under Grant confronted 
Lee's in Virginia — that under Thomas was at Nashville, await- 
ing the coming of Hood's — that under Sherman was well on 
its way to Savannah, Ga. — the route over which he had passed 
marked by a swath of destruction, thirty miles wide, in which 
not a house or a hovel was left standing — and the others were 
stationed, in large and small bodies, at points where the}" 
might hold the Mississippi River open to navigation, protect 
lines of communication between supply depots and armies, op- 
press and despoil the non-combatant citizenship, and by occa- 
sional threatening activities furnish excuse for thousands of 
Confederate soldiers to absent themselves from their commands 
in the main Confederate armies, in order, they said, to protect 
their families and homes. 

The patrol of the Mississippi River by Federal gunboats 
had long since prohibited dependence on Texas for beef, cut 
that State, Arkansas, Missouri and a large part of Louisiana 
out of the Confederacy, and left them " a law unto themselves." 
Sherman's march to the sea, and destruction, as he went, of 
all railroads, together with the Federal occupation of east 
Tennessee, threatened to cut the remainder of the Confederacy 
in two. The rolling stock and roadbeds of such lines of rail- 
way as led into Richmond were worn beyond even temporary 
repair, and although at Lynchburg and Danville in Virginia., 
and at different places in North and South Carolina, large 
quantities of meat, meal and flour were in storage, they could 
not be transported rapidly enough to Richmond to supply the 
needs of Lee's army. It was not defeat that threatened the 
army — it was famine. 

Along about the middle of December came the news that 


Hood's army had been disastrously defeated at Nashville, and 
was retreating, demoralized and in confusion. Much as the 
movement of that army had been condemned by the military 
experts in the rank and file of the Army of Northern Virginia, 
there had always been the possibility that it might succeed, 
and its signal failure was a shock to the most sanguine. 
Thenceforward, whatever the desire, hope, and aim of Mr. 
Davis and his admiring followers, " Lee's miserables," as the 
soldiers around Richmond and Petersburg called themselves, 
had at heart only the purpose of securing honorable terms 
of surrender and peace; a peace that would permit them to 
return to their homes and begin life anew, not as repentant 
criminals, but as men who had fought for the right as they 
saw it, and, having failed, were willing, if no disavowal of 
their principles were required, to lay down their arms and re- 
turn to the Union. As it looked to them, and as in fact it 
was, Lee's was the only effective organized Confederate army 
left in the field, and on it only could reliance be placed to win 
■ — not the independence of the South, or the continuance of 
slavery — vanished dreams both — but such terms of surrender 
for the soldiers of the Confederacy as were due to a brave foe 
from a magnanimous antagonist. 

For this purpose, unacknowledged to others and scarcely to 
themselves, the soldiers in Lee's army held their lines, forty 
miles in length, with a grip that neither cold nor hunger, nor 
shot nor shell, could loosen. There was no complaining against 
the grievous condition of affairs that existed, there was no 
shirking. Shivering with cold and weak for want of food, they 
stood always ready for duty, and when on duty, whether on 
field of fierce battle, or of skirmish, on guard, or on picket, 
did their devoir as firmly, faithfully, and unshrinkingly as 
when their hopes were highest and brightest. Yet, lest it 
weaken the resolution of their comrades, they gave no expres- 
sion to the thought in their minds that only honorable sur- 
render was possible. Apparently, they still fought for inde- 
pendence — still believed it was to be won. There was no cessa- 
tion of the jest and the laugh, of pranks and practical jokes; 
fun and frolic was the order of the day, and sadness of face 
or speech was discountenanced and seldom witnessed or heard. 

The feeling that prevailed among them is* well illustrated 


by a story told by General Gordon, in his " Reminiscences of 
the Civil War. 5 ' A prayer meeting was in progress, but fer- 
vent and uplifting as were the petitions to God, there was a 
touch of humor in the proceedings that was irresistibly amus- 
ing. Brother Jones, in behalf of himself and his comrades, 
was praying fervently for more courage. Not content with 
asking for it once, he repeated the supplication with even 
greater fervency. Then he was interrupted by a middle-aged 
private whose resolute bearing, scarred face and maimed hand 
gave evidence that he had often heard the bullets whistle ; to 
him it seemed a waste of time to be asking for a virtue already 
possessed, and springing to his feet, he cried : " Hold on 
there, Brother Jones ! Hold on ! There's no sense in asking 
God for more courage, for He knows we have got plenty of 
it. Ask Him for more grub — that's what we need most of all." 
That the old fellow had touched the sore spot, was evident 
from the amens that escaped on all sides. 

In February, 1865, came the Hampton Roads conference 
between commissioners appointed by Mr. Davis, on the part of 
the Confederacy, and Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward, represent- 
ing the Union. That it should fail to settle the questions at 
issue, was a foregone conclusion in the minds of thinking men. 
Mr. Lincoln had no right to consent to a dissolution of the 
Union as it existed at the beginning of the war — Mr. Davis, 
none that would justify him in consenting to a peace based 
upon the return of the seceding States to the Union. Follow- 
ing the conference, or, to be exact, on the 5th day of Feb- 
ruary, 1865, Mr. Davis appointed General Robert E. Lee 
commander-in-chief of all the Confederate armies. Had he 
done this in February of 1864 much good might have been 
accomplished. Now it was too late; the Confederacy was 
gasping for breath, its armies were scattered, disorganized, 
and, practically, commanderless, and there was no time to 
gather together and weld the fragments into fighting ma- 
chines. But Lee accepted the trust and did his best, by in- 
stantly calling General Joseph E. Johnston to the command 
of all the troops in Georgia and the Carolinas, and thereby 
rebuking; Mr. Davis for his failure to retain that officer in 
command at Atlanta, and for not appointing him as successor 
to General Hood, immediately after the Nashville disaster. 


In the meantime Sherman had accomplished his march to the 
sea, captured the cities of Savannah and Charleston, and was 
moving up the coast into North Carolina — his object, to come 
within such range of Grant's army as would enable that and 
his own to co-operate against the forces under Lee and such 
as might follow Johnston. Gripped by famine and tortured 
by cold as Lee knew his army to be, he yet felt it his duty, 
in deference to the obstinate insistence of Mr. Davis, to hold 
it in line as long as possible at Richmond and Petersburg. 
Untrammeled by the Confederate executive and commander- 
in-chief, in 1864, he would undoubtedly have abandoned those 
cities to their fate, and, falling back, as he then might easily 
and safely have done at any time prior to September, to the 
mountainous regions of Virginia, in their fastnesses have tried 
conclusions with his opponent. That it would have been good 
generalship and the wisest course to pursue, is too far beyond 
question for argument. Now, but alas, too late, he contem- 
plated that move and began planning for it. 

On the 27th of March there was hard fighting in the vicin- 
ity of Dinwiddie Court House, in which the Federals gained 
the advantage. Grant had at this time, in his immediate com- 
mand, 124,700 men, 13,000 of whom were well-mounted cav- 
alry. To oppose these, Lee had about 45,000, less than 5000 
of whom were cavalry, under Fitz Lee, mounted on mere skele- 
tons of poorly fed horses. On the 30th, at Five Forks, Pick- 
ett, with a force of 10,000 infantry and cavalry, drove Sheri- 
dan from Five Forks back to Dinwiddie Court House ; but on 
the 1st of April, having retired to Five Forks, his command 
was attacked, front and flanks, and routed. On the morning 
of the 2d the Federals broke through Lee's attenuated line at 
a point four miles southwest of Petersburg, then made a gen- 
eral attack, and, unable to stay or withstand it, Lee's army 
began its first compulsory retreat, as a body, before an eagerly 
pursuing Federal army. Its retreat, though, was neither pre- 
cipitate nor disorderly — it was organized and well-conducted, 
the evacuation of Petersburg not beginning until after night- 
fall. By that time every Confederate command in position 
along the forty-mile line of intrenchments had received explicit 
directions what route to pursue in order to join the main 
column. Among these was the Texas Brigade, which was still 


occupying its winter-quarters on the Williamsburg road, north- 
east of Richmond. The story of its retreat, its surrender at 
Appomattox, and its return to Texas, is told by Captain W. 
T. Hill, as follows: 

" The Texas Brigade held position north of the James 
River from the 29th of July, 1864, until April 2d, 1865. 
During the fall of 1864, it found active and almost contin- 
uous employment in watching the enemy and fighting him 
when occasion permitted or demanded, and because it so often 
supported General Gary's mounted command, soon won the 
sobriquet of ' Gary's foot cavalry.' About the middle of Oc- 
tober, affairs quieted on the Northside, and settling down the 
brigade built huts and hovels and went into so-called winter- 
quarters. With no duty to perform save that of picketing 
our front, time hung heavily on our hands, and to make it 
lighter, the men sought recreation and profit in scouting — 
the government offering $1500 for every horse captured from 
the enemy. This munificent offer tempted many that would 
otherwise have remained idle, to active enterprise, and competi- 
tion for the privilege of going on a scout became so eager that 
when scouting parties were called for from the different regi- 
ments, four times as many persons volunteered as were called 
for, and, quite often, there was difficulty in settling the ques- 
tion of who got there first. 

" On Saturday night, April 2d, 1865, the brigade received 
orders to be in readiness to march at daylight next morning. 
Starting at the appointed hour, it marched into Richmond, 
there boarded cars, and about noon reached the north side of 
the Appomattox, opposite Petersburg. The regiments com- 
posing it were commanded as follows : the Third Arkansas, by 
Colonel R. C. Taylor; the First Texas, by Colonel F. S. Bass; 
the Fourth Texas, by Lieutenant-Colonel C. M. Winkler, and 
the Fifth Texas, by myself, Captain W. T. Hill. Colonel R. 
M. Powell, of the Fifth Texas, commanded the brigade. Our 
orders were to take position at the fords and crossings of the 
Appomattox, and prevent the passage of the enemy to its 
north bank. That our army on the south side of the stream 
had abandoned its intrenchments, and was now in full retreat, 
was evident, for we could see long lines of Federals marching 

Captain W. T. Hii^i, 
Company D, Fifth Texas Regiment 



westward from Petersburg. They made no effort to cross the 
Appomattox, though, and we had little to do. About 11 
o'clock that night the brigade commenced its march westward, 
bringing up the rear of Lee's army. Fires lighted up the 
heavens in every direction, the Confederates seeming deter- 
mined to destroy everything that would be of service to the 
enemy. Near where the Fifth Texas was stationed on the 
Appomattox, a house stored with bacon was burned, and as 
we were without food and hungry, we felt it a hardship not 
to be allowed to fill our haversacks with bacon before it was 

" Our march that night and next day was uninterrupted 
by attack from the enemy. We moved along the railroad lead- 
ing from Petersburg to Lynchburg, and, like the balance of 
our army, expected to find a supply of rations at Amelia Court 
House, where General Lee had ordered provisions to be sent, 
and where he had been officially informed they had been sent. 
But it was a mistake, and a fatal one at that ; not a pound 
of the supplies ordered had arrived, but from the store of 
provisions kept on hand there, the Texas Brigade managed to 
secure a little meal, which the men made into gruel and ate 
without salt, none of that having been issued. 

" In the hope of the arrival of supplies at Amelia Court 
House, General Lee held his army there one entire day. This 
loss of time allowed Sheridan, with his cavalry, to cut him off 
from Danville, his objective point. Baffled in the attempt, by 
this route, to join forces with General Johnston, he moved 
toward Lynchburg. During the day, the Federal cavalry 
made several assaults on our wagon-trains, and did much dam- 
age, but were finally driven off by our infantry. The Federal 
infantry overtook the Texas Brigade, then the rear-guard of 
the rear-guard of our army, on the evening of the 5th, after 
we left Rice's station, and the brigade skirmish line had a hot 
fight with them — so hot that it had to be heavily reinforced 
before it drove the enemy back. The battle ended at night- 
fall, by which time all of our army had crossed the Appo- 
mattox excepting our brigade. 

" Having crossed the Appomattox, the brigade went into 
bivouac on the first hills near the stream. The next morning, 
the 6th, it marched up the river to a high railroad bridge, 


its purpose to hold the enemy in check till the bridge could be 
effectually destroyed. It remained in position near the bridge 
until noon ; then a courier came to Colonel Powell, command- 
ing the brigade, with the information that the command was 
about to be cut off from the main army, and an order for 
instant and hurried retreat. No time was lost in obeying the 
order, and marching west along a blind road running parallel 
with the railroad, we succeeded in eluding the enemy and mak- 
ing our way safely to the wagon-bridge spanning the river. 
Over that we passed, and moving to the north of Farmville, 
ascended the high hills in Cumberland County, and on one of 
them halted. On our way from the High Bridge to the wagon- 
bridge, we had been compelled to march through the front yard 
of Colonel Hilary Richardson's residence. There, meeting a 
citizen of the country, I dispatched a message to Dr. Wood, 
of Farmville, requesting him to buy all the bread in the town 
and hold it for my regiment, the Fifth Texas. But, alas, there 
was not a loaf of bread in the town, and the Fifth had to 
remain hungry, for when, late in the afternoon, a little meat 
and corn-meal was issued to it along with the other regiments, 
its march was resumed before any cooking could be done. 

" When we had marched a couple of miles further, one of 
the Georgia brigades of our division (Field's) was attacked by 
a brigade of Federal cavalry under General Gregg. The at- 
tack was most gallantly repulsed — the Federals losing heavily 
in killed and wounded, and their commander, Gregg, being cap- 
tured. While the fight was in progress, the Texas Brigade 
held position on a hill, overlooking the country for miles 
around. For the time we could spare to observation, the 
larger part of both armies was in view: Lee's men, moving 
rapidly but in the most admirable order, to the west, seeking 
to avoid attack, not because of fear of it, but lest the delay it 
caused interfere with the plans of General Lee ; Grant's, mov- 
ing steadily in pursuit, his purpose, seemingly, to get around 
Lee's right flank. But we had little leisure for watching other 
movements than those immediately in our front and directed 
at ourselves. Perched on a high and perfectly open hill as 
our brigade was, the enemy hidden in the dark at the foot of 
the hill, and his sharpshooters behind trees, they could see all 
we did and we could see nothing they did. To escape bullets 


they could not return in kind, our men, while digging little 
holes in the ground and building fires of twigs in them, over 
which to cook their corn-meal gruel, crawled around like so 
many lizards. 

" We held position on the hillside until about 10 p. m. that 
day, then resuming the march westward, went into bivouac on 
the night of the 8th, at a point two miles east of Appomattox. 
During this march, evidences of rapid retreat and fast pur- 
suit began to appear. Cannons, wagons and . ambulances in 
large numbers had been abandoned by the troops ahead of us, 
for lack of teams strong enough to pull them. Horses already 
dead, and many others fast dying from exhaustion and for 
lack of feed, lay in the mud, in and by the side of the road. 

" On the morning of the 9th, the Texas Brigade made its 
last march as a Confederate command. This took it to within 
a mile of Appomattox, where, after facing, in turn, east, west 
and north in the effort to meet the threatened but never-coming 
attacks, we formed in a semi-circle across a road, and began 
building a breastwork of such material as was at hand — the 
Fifth Texas, I remember, appropriating a rail fence for the 

" Up to this point, General Gordon, with his corps, led the 
advance. On the 7th, he had driven before him such of the 
enemy as sought to stay the retreat. But on the evening of 
the 8th, he failed to drive them, and on the morning of the 
9th, again failed. Lee's line of retreat was blocked, the shat- 
tered remnants of his once matchless army were surrounded 
on all sides. Premonition of the inevitable swept through the 
air, and a death-like stillness prevailed. Work ceased, hunger 
stayed its gnawing, and expectant of evil tidings, but yet un- 
prepared for the worst, faces grew grave and serious, and 
men when they talked at all spoke in whispers. Then, in the 
afternoon, some of our teamsters came from the front and re- 
ported that General Lee had surrendered the army. It could 
not be, and sure the report was false, the men grew indignant, 
and for a while the teamsters stood in jeopardy. But their 
statements were soon confirmed by intelligence of the same 
purport from other sources, and the men of the brigade, sub- 
mitting to the inevitable, began to wonder what terms General 
Lee had obtained for his army, and when and how they would 


return to their homes. There was no hasty disbandment of 
company, regiment or brigade. The morale of the men had 
never weakened, and if Lee had but asked it, there was not 
a man but would have continued to fight as gamely as ever 
he had. 

" During the afternoon and following night, we learned 
what terms General Lee had obtained. On the next day, the 
10th, his farewell address to the army was read on the color 
line, the men listening to it in silence, but with tears in their 
eyes. All felt that he had done his best, all that could be 
done, and that he had surrendered the army only when every 
avenue of escape was closed and to struggle longer was to in- 
vite destruction. Of what followed, little need be said. Some 
of the scenes that occurred are indescribable, and many are 
too pathetic to have place here. And while all were sad at the 
thought of the end that had come, and of speedy partings 
with the comrades who had shared their dangers and toils, 
something of humor crept into their conduct and language. 
Many members of the Fifth Texas declared that even if they 
had surrendered to General Grant, he should not have a gun 
from them that would be serviceable, and to make their threat 
good, they commenced bending the barrels of their guns, and 
otherwise injuring them. My attention called to this work of 
destruction, I told the men engaged in it that no parole would 
be granted by General Grant to any Confederate soldier who 
did not deliver his arms in good condition. Convinced that I 
was right, those engaged in the work of destruction said : ' If 
that is the case, we'll straighten them back again.' But they 
made signal failures in their efforts 6 to straighten them back 
again.' Nevertheless, all got their paroles, for there was no 
inspection of the arms delivered. All that our men did, as 
they halted in front of a line of armed Federals, was to lean 
their guns up against huge stacks of those already there. Our 
color-bearers did the same with the flags they surrendered. 

" Official records show that the First Texas surrendered at 
Appomattox, 133 men — the Fourth Texas, 145 — the Fifth 
Texas, 149 — and the Third Arkansas, 130; making, in the 
aggregate, 557 officers and privates, as the number of the 
Texas Brigade who surrendered. The three Texas regiments 
surrendered 427 officers and privates. Estimating their entire 


enlistment, from the beginning to the close of the war, to have 
been, in round numbers, of officers and privates, 4000, it will 
be seen that 3573 are not accounted for. Of these, some were 
dishonorably absent, many hundreds were dead, and many more 
hundreds were sick or disabled. 

" All the formalities of the surrender over, the question of 
how we should get back to our homes came to the front. To 
the Third Arkansas, as brave and noble a regiment as was 
ever mustered into the Confederate service, this was not as 
difficult as to the Texans, for it could return to Arkansas by 
way of Chattanooga and Memphis, which it did. The Texans, 
though, had further to go, and what route was best to take 
was a problem that required much discussion. Although many 
of them stayed in Virginia, and others chose to go to York- 
town and avail themselves of transportation by water, offered 
them by the Federal government, the majority decided to stay 
together and, as a command, march to Danville, and there 
taking passage on a railroad train, go by way of Atlanta, 
Montgomery and Mobile to New Orleans, where they could 
find conveyance by water to Galveston, Texas. 

" On the 12th of April, after bidding farewell to the Third 
Arkansas, such of the Texans as had chosen to travel as a 
command fell into line, and under command of their officers, 
marched in the direction of Danville. But they stayed to- 
gether only a day or two. Food was difficult to obtain for 
as large a party as we were. Many of the men were both 
weak and footsore, and finding it easier to secure needed pro- 
visions by scattering out, they soon began to straggle. Wrong 
roads were taken, long stops were made, and it was several 
days after the main body reached Danville, before everybody 
caught up with it. 

" Railroad transportation not to be secured at Danville — 
Sherman's troops having wrecked all railroads leading to the 
South — we footed it to Greensboro, N. C. There we were joined 
by the Texans of Johnston's recently surrendered army, and 
with them proceeded to Montgomery — footing it most of the 
way, in couples and squads, all effort to retain organization 
having by this time ceased. At Montgomery, the Federal pro- 
vost officer assigned us quarters in a large two-story building, 
located near the artesian well. Major W. H. Martin, the ' Old 


Howdy ' of the Fourth Texas, shared with me the responsi- 
bility of assuming command of the Texans that came in, what- 
ever their regiment or brigade, and we had our hands full — 
the major in securing rations as needed, and I in attending to 
official matters. 

" It was seven days before we secured transportation to Mo- 
bile, and then we had to work for it. A steamboat arrived, 
loaded with supplies for the Federal troops in and near the city, 
and the provost told us that if we would unload it, he would 
send us to Mobile on it. Informed of the offer, the Texans 
went to work with such energy as, in six hours, to unload and 
place in piles on the wharf, a mass of freight that it would 
have taken the negroes employed for the purpose and working 
in relays of fifty men, full twenty-four hours to unload. When 
the job was done, one of our boys, noticing the large quan- 
tities of bacon, hard tack, sugar, coffee, pickles, canned goods, 
wagons, picks, spades and other military necessities, exclaimed : 
' Boys, we never could have whipped the Yankees. Look at 
all them good things to eat, and handy things to work with, 
and compare them with the little we had ! ' 

" The boat unloaded, we were ordered to report that after- 
noon at the office of the provost, to have our paroles counter- 
signed. The order was obeyed, and next morning we boarded 
the steamboat we had worked for, and were soon steaming 
down the river. But at Selma our boat was halted, we were 
invited to disembark, and a regiment of negroes, destined for 
service at Mobile, was ordered on it. We protested, of course, 
and bitterly, against what some of our men denounced as ' a 
regular Yankee trick,' but our protest was unheeded, and we 
had to wait at Selma until the next day. Then another steam- 
boat came along, and taking us on board, carried us to Mo- 
bile, where we were assigned to comfortable quarters, fur- 
nished with rations, and had our paroles again inspected. 

" Six days later, we boarded a steamboat for New Orleans, 
and landing there, were assigned quarters in a large cotton 
shed. To offset their kindness in not requiring us to have our 
paroles again countersigned, the military authorities detailed 
a company of negro soldiers to guard us. The next morning, 
every Texan wearing brass buttons, whether of Confederate or 
foreign make, was accosted by one or the other of these blacks 


with the order, ' Stop, dah, suh, tell I cuts dem buttins off yer 
clo's ! ' But the Texans were quick to ' catch on,' and by 
cutting off their brass buttons themselves, denied the negroes 
the great satisfaction of doing so. 

" During the nine days we were compelled to stay in New 
Orleans, awaiting transportation to Galveston, the better 
classes of the citizens treated us with kindness and courtesy; 
from people in the lower classes only came incivility. Guarded 
though we were, we went and came at our pleasure. The Irish 
ladies of the city could not do too much for us. They visited 
us at our quarters, and not only insisted on having our cooking 
done for us, but on our coming to their homes and taking our 
meals there. In addition, they furnished every one of us with 
a suit of good clothes. 

" On the last night of our stay in New Orleans, Colonel 
Henry, a grand old ' rebel,' gave the rank and file of the 
Texans an elegant supper at his house, and Dr. Greenleaf en- 
tertained the officers in like manner. Next morning, we went 
aboard the steamship Hudson, at 10 a. m. An hour later a 
fire broke out in the neighborhood of Colonel Henry's resi- 
dence. The Texans rushed to the rescue, and not only re- 
moved from the old Colonel's house everything of value, with- 
out damage to a single article, but placed a watchful guard 
over it, and when the fire was subdued, carried everything back 
into the building, uninjured. Then they returned to the steam- 
ship, which at 4 p. m. got under weigh. 

" All went well until, just before day the next morning, the 
boat reached the mouth of the Mississippi River, and stuck her 
nose so deep into the mud that she could neither go forward 
nor back out. Here we lay an exceedingly long forty-eight 
hours, under a broiling sun, suffering both with impatience 
and the discomforts of the bad ventilation and the foul-smell- 
ing odors of the bilge-water in the hold of the vessel, where 
for lack of room on the upper deck more than half of our 
crowd were compelled to stay. On the second day, two tugs 
lashed to the Hudson but failed to drag her from the mud. 
At ten o'clock of the third day, much to our relief, a freight 
steamship came down the river, and taking us on board, 
steamed for Galveston — arriving there and coming to anchor 
near the blockading fleet, just after daylight next morning. 


She was kept at anchor until noon ; then only did General E. 
J. Davis, commanding Federal troops in the city, give his kind 
consent to our approaching and landing on the wharf, and 
that we lost no time in getting ashore, you may well believe. 
" Notified in advance of our coming, the good people of 
Galveston and Houston had arranged for us to take a Buf- 
falo Bayou boat at Galveston, and journeying to Houston 
in comparative comfort, there partake of a sumptuous ban- 
quet. But General Davis had taken no shots at ' rebels ' when 
the bullets were flying, and it was time, he thought, to begin 
fighting. Having already shown his loyalty to the Union by 
keeping us out at anchor until noon, he gave another evi- 
dence of it by prohibiting the employment in our service of 
the Buffalo Bayou boat; rebels, he said, were entitled to no 
courtesies. The only chance of getting us to Houston, the 
railroad, the Galveston people patched up an old engine until 
it could be depended on for^ the fifty-mile run, and hitching 
to it a lot of seatless flat cars, which the Irish women of the 
city, God bless them, had swept clean, placed the train at 
our service. Boarding it about sunset, by midnight we were 
in Houston partaking of the banquet tendered us by its hos- 
pitable people. The next day, rejoicing that we had been 
spared to again set our feet on Texas soil, and feeling that 
we had done our duty, our whole duty, and nothing but our 
duty, we separated, each of us going home." 



It is from well-meaning but careless friends that we must 
often pray to be delivered. No man had a greater admiration 
for the Texas Brigade, or ever stood higher in the esteem of 
its members, living and dead, than did the late John H. 
Reagan, and yet, in his memoirs, published after his death, 
he has unintentionally made a number of mistakes with refer- 
ence to that command. Coming from one less noted for the 
truth and accuracy of all his statements, they might be safely 
left uncorrected ; coming from Judge John H. Reagan, Post- 
master General of the Southern Confederacy, it is imperative 
that attention should be called to them in this History of 
the Texas Brigade. In his " Memoirs," beginning on page 
143, appears the following: 

In the course of the seven days' fighting around Richmond, 
there occurred, at, the battle of Gaines' Mill, a struggle which has 
few parallels for heroic courage and valor in all the annals of war. 
Because of the part taken in it by Texans, I shall relate some of 
the circumstances. 

A part of the Federal force occupied a very strong position 
on a hill on the east side of Gaines' Mill Creek, with three lines 
of infantry; one was stationed about a third of the distance from 
the foot of the hill, the second about half way up, and the third 
between that one and the top of the hill, which was probably 300 
or 400 feet high. Their lines were protected by fallen trees, with 
a swamp and abatis one or two hundred yards wide in their 
front. The crown of the hill was occupied by the field batteries 
of the enemy. In order to attack this position the Confederate 
soldiers had to advance through a gradually descending open 
field. Two assaults had been repulsed, when, in the general 
movement of the forces, Hood's Brigade was brought to its front. 
General Lee inquired of him whether he thought he could take 
it. Hood's answer was in the affirmative. 

It so happened that the First Regiment of Texas Infantry, 



commanded by Colonel John Marshall, was launched against the 
Federal stronghold. Colonel Marshall was soon killed; the lieu- 
tenant-colonel was very seriously and the major mortally wounded 
before the advance reached the creek, and many others of the 
regiment were killed or wounded before they got through the 
abatis. This regiment, with no officer above the grade of cap- 
tain, drove the three lines of infantry from their defenses, and 
captured the artillery which crowned the hill, and which had 
been pouring a deadly fire into the charging columns. A few 
hundred yards further on the Texans saw two field batteries across 
a depression of the field. Before they had gone far, however, 
they were assailed by a brigade of Federal cavalry under Gen- 
eral McCook. This was put to flight, and then the Texans again 
rushed forward and captured the batteries. 

The Fifth Texas Regiment, commanded by Colonel Jerome B. 
Robertson, had also broken through the Federal lines and come 
in view of what was left of the First Regiment. Robertson's 
statement made afterward to me was that when he saw General 
McCook's cavalry moving rapidly to the attack of the First Texas 
Regiment, and saw the small remainder of that regiment, it made 
his heart ache, as it seemed out of the question for them success- 
fully to resist such a force. But he said the men quickly aligned 
and stolidly awaited the attack, and that when the brigade got 
within range he never saw saddles emptied so fast. 

The cavalry recoiled, defeated, and as soon as this was accom- 
plished, and the field batteries taken, the Texans started for a 
Federal siege battery, nearly a mile further on. General T. J. 
Chambers, who had followed them, as a looker-on, hastened after 
them and got them to stop, saying that the enemy was then in 
their rear, and that if they went forward they would certainly 
be captured. Colonel Robertson's regiment then joined the re- 
mainder of Marshall's, and on their return they found that the 
gap they had made in passing through the Federal line had been 
occupied by a New Jersey regiment, which on demand sur- 
rendered. The beautiful silk banner of this regiment was sent 
as a trophjr to Austin, Texas, and was after the war returned to 
New Jersey by the military governor, Hamilton. 

The First Texas Regiment went into the battle with more than 
eight hundred men; but came out of it, after this brilliant ex- 
ploit, with a roll-call of a little over two hundred. After that 
on different occasions General Lee urged me to aid him in get- 
ting a division of Texans for his command, remarking that with 
such a force he would engage to break any line of battle on earth 
in an open field. 


That Judge Reagan was in fact writing of the Fourth 
Texas instead of the First Texas, is evident from his mention 
of Colonel John Marshall, who commanded the Fourth, and 
not the First Texas. But Judge Reagan makes a number of 
other mistakes. It was east of Powhite Creek, and not east 
of Gaines' Mill Creek, that the Federals were stationed — it 
was but a regiment of cavalry, and not a brigade, that 
charged the Fourth Texas — that charge was made, not before 
the Fourth Texas captured the batteries, but immediately 
afterwards — it was the Fifth Texas, alone, that captured the 
New Jersey regiment — and if any Texans " started for a 
Federal siege battery nearly a mile further on " it was the 
First or Fifth Texas, and not the Fourth. 

On page 194 of the same " Memoirs," Judge Reagan gives 
Field's division credit for a battle occurring on August 29, 
1864, which did not in fact take place until September 29, and 
then, the Texas and Benning's brigades were the only brigades 
of Field's division that took part in it, until late in the after- 
noon, when the enemy had been whipped back. Again, on 
page 187 of the same " Memoirs," he gives an account of a 
voluntary charge made by the Texas Brigade between Rich- 
mond and Petersburg that is not at all in accord with the ac- 
tual facts, which are given in Chapter XIV of his history. 

In the Richmond Dispatch, of some date in February, 1865, 
appears the following account of the presentation of gold 
stars to members of the Texas Brigade selected by their 
comrades as most worthy of them. It is to be regretted that 
the modesty of the fair donor forbade the mention of her name 
by General Lee, and has continued to withhold it. It was a 
tribute of Beauty to Valor, that should never be forgotten, 
and for which no commendation is too great. The Dispatch 

We learn that a very interesting scene occurred some days ago 
in the camp of the Texas Brigade (Senator Wigf all's old com- 
mand), the occasion being the presentation of some golden stars, 
designed for the brave men of the brigade by a lady of Texas, 
and forwarded through the hands of General Lee. 

After brigade inspection the men were addressed by Senator 
Wigfall in a stirring speech. He said that he would be more 
than man if he did not, and less than man if he could not, feel 


deeply and solemnly the changes that had taken place, and the 
absence of the familiar faces of his former companions in arms. 
It was not to be considered when or where soldiers die; but how 
they die. Better a thousand times fill the grave of a brave man 
than be the slaves of insolent knaves and unprincipled tyrants. 

The Senator reminded his old command that the roads were 
drying up; that a few days would bring the familiar sound of 
the battle, the roaring of artillery and the rattling of the rifles. 
There was more bloody work to be done, and they were to prepare 
for the fray. 

Senator Wigfall also took occasion to dispose of the tiresome 
though oft-repeated story, " rich man's war, poor man's fight." 
The final reverse to our arms, he said, should it ever come, must 
certainly fall upon the poor man, the man in moderate circum- 
stances, leaving him no chance to escape. He would inevitably be 
crushed, whilst the man of wealth and talents and the distinguished 
officer would buy or demand protection in any part of the world. 
There would be no refuge for the poor man. The vengeance of the 
enemy would be poured upon his head and those of his posterity 
unless he carved out his liberties with his sword and bayonet. 

At the conclusion of Senator Wigfall's speech the following let- 
ter was read from General Lee: 

" Headquarters Army Northern Virginia, Jan. 21, 1865. — Com- 
manding Officer of Hood's Texas Brigade: Sir — I have received 
from * a young lady of Texas ' some golden stars which she desires 
may be presented to the brave men of your brigade. Where all 
are so meritorious and have done so much for the honor of their 
State, I know it will be difficult to select the most worthy, but 
from your intimate knowledge of their deeds and conduct in action, 
you can with more certainty than any other bestow them in ac- 
cordance with the wishes of the donor. I therefore commit them 
to you. They are nine in number and said to be made of gold 
too precious for common use. 

" As a gift of a lady from their State, who has watched with 
pride their gallantry on every field and offered daily prayers to 
the throne of the Almighty for their happiness and safety, I feel 
assured they will be highly appreciated and long preserved. I 
have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

" R. E. Lee, General." 

The stars were presented to the following named men: William 
Durram, Company D, First Texas; James Knight, Company H, 
First Texas; Corporal James Burke, Company B, Fourth Texas; 
Sergeant James Patterson, Company D, Fourth Texas; Corporal 
W. C. May, Company H, Fourth Texas; Sergeant C. Wilborn, 


Company F. Fifth Texas; Sergeant J. Hemphill, Company H, 
Fifth Texas; Private J. D. Staples, Company E, Third Arkansas; 
Private J. W. Cook, Company H, Third Arkansas. 

Modesty denies to the individual the privilege of repeating 
and boasting of the compliments paid him by distinguished 
men. The same rule is not applicable to a military com- 
mand, and Hood's Texas Brigade is glad that it is not. Proud 
of its achievements, its survivors delight to recall and repeat 
the praises bestowed on its gallantry, its pluck and its en- 
durance, by the great military leaders and men in high civil 
position who witnessed its conduct on the field of battle. 

In a letter written to Hood's Texas Brigade Association a 
few years before his death, Judge John H. Reagan said: 

" I would rather have been able to say that I had been a 
worthy member of Hood's Texas Brigade than to have en- 
joyed all the honors which have been conferred upon me. I 
doubt if there has ever been a brigade, or other military or- 
ganization in the history of the world, that equalled it in the 
heroic valor and self-sacrificing conduct of its members, and 
in the brilliancy of its services." 

The following excerpts from a letter written August 6, 
1907, to General W. R. Hamby, of Austin, Texas, by Gen- 
eral Stephen D. Lee, are too flattering to be omitted: 

" If any brigade in the Union or Confederate army should 
have its history written describing their skirmishes and bat- 
tles, Hood's Texas Brigade is the one, and if no survivor of 
that brigade can do this, some brilliant Texan should take 
the record as found in the Government publications, read it 
carefully both sides, Union and Confederate, and then con- 
verse with the survivors and write a full and complete history 
of that immortal brigade. 

" There were very many splendid brigades in the army on 
the Confederate side, and while I would not say that Hood's 
Brigade surpassed them all, still, if I were to select a brigade 
to do honor to the average fighting Confederate brigade, I 
would select this brigade. 

" It was my fortune to hear the volleys of Hood's Brigade, 
one of the first volleys in the war, between Richmond and West 
Point on the York River, when McClellan tried to turn the 


flank of Johnson's army by getting in his rear with a corps 
from the West Point landing. That volley of five thousand 
or more muskets, answered by five or ten thousand in reply, 
is still ringing in my ears, and I heard no other volleys to 
equal it till I heard it again at Second Manassas in front of 
Longstreet's corps in their magnificent charge on that field. 
I saw them pierce the Federal line at Gaines' Mill; I saw their 
magnificent charge at Second Manassas, and I witnessed the 
glory the brigade won at Sharpsburg. They were under my 
eyes all the time. I saw them go in on the evening of the 
16th ; I saw them come out to get their rations when they were 
relieved ; I saw them go in again a little before day, on the 
17th. I saw them sweep the enemy from their front ; I saw 
them almost annihilated, and even then, I saw them contribute 
the greater part to the repulse, first of Hooker's corps, then of 
Mansfield's corps of the Union Army. I saw them hold off 
Sumner's corps until reinforcements came. I saw them de- 
livering volley after volley lying on the ground not 150 yards 
from the muzzle of my guns to the east of the Dunker Church. 
I saw them rise, and pursue the enemy ; I saw them broken, 
shattered and falling back before overwhelming numbers ; the 
few who were left giving the rebel yell with more spirit than 
the hurrahs of the Union troops." 

At the date of the battle of Gettysburg, Dr. Sam R. Bur- 
roughs, now a leading physician and surgeon residing at 
Buffalo, Texas, was one of the wildest and woolliest of the 
many " wild and woolly " young fellows in the First Texas. 
Writing of his observations and experiences during the fight- 
ing on July % 1863, Dr. Sam says : 

" Mrs. Wigfall, you know, gave the First Texas a beauti- 
ful Lone Star flag made from her wedding dress. When Saint 
Andrew's cross was adopted as the battle flag of the Con- 
federacy, the unfolding of State flags in action was pro- 
hibited. Nevertheless the First Texas carried along with it 
the flag given it by Mrs. Wigfall. Its bearer was a young 
fellow under twenty whose name has escaped my memory, but 
he never unfolded it in battle after the order mentioned was 
given, until the battle of Gettysburg. • 

' There, while the Texas Brigade was forming in line of bat- 
tle, a Federal battery got its range and began to play upon 

Dr. Sam R. Burroughs 
Company G, First Texas Regiment 



it. One of the round shots fired wounded several men of the 
First Texas and then, passing on, swept the head off of 
William Floyd of Company F of the Fourth Texas. 

" Just as this occurred I saw the bearer of the Lone Star 
flag begin to pull off the oilcloth case that protected it. 
Having completed the task he stuffed the case into his haver- 
sack and then commenced unrolling the flag. 

" ' What are you doing that for? ' I asked, ' don't you 
know it's against orders to show but the one flag, and that 
our battle flag? ' 

" i Yes, I know what the orders are as well as anybody,' 
he replied ; ' but orders be d — d in a case like this ; I am going 
to straddle the gun that fired that shot and wave this Lone 
Star flag over it or die a trying.' 

" At that moment Hood came in front of the brigade and 
a dozen voices shouted : ' Have that fence pulled down, Gen- 
eral, and we'll take that infernal battery ! ' 

" Hood ordered a detail to level the fence and in less than 
ten minutes the battery was captured, and that little dare- 
devil bearer of the Lone Star sat astride of the gun which 
had fired the shot mentioned, waving his flag and yelling loud 
enough to be heard above the roar of cannon. 

" In another twenty minutes the First Texas was engaged 
in the fierce, and sometimes hand to hand, struggle that oc- 
curred in the Devil's Den. During the progress of the fight 
there, about a dozen of us forged far to the front and finally 
secured a commanding position high up on the side of Little 
Round Top. 

" Here we commenced shooting at everything Federal that 
came into view. It was not a one-sided performance, though, 
for some of the Federals on the field had as much grit as the 
Confederates, and while we drove them as long as we moved 
forward, they came to a halt when we did and began firing 
at us. But we did not mind them as much as we did the de- 
termination and good aim of some far-off Yankee whose loca- 
tion for a long time we could not fix. The gun he used made 
a report like a small cannon, and the balls from it wounded 
two or three men. 

" Long and close watching revealed the fact that he was 
concealed in the branches of a tall oak tree, fully half a 


mile distant, and standing in the open. The puffs of smoke 
from his rifle appeared to proceed from a limb on the south 
side of the trunk, and, thinking to put an end to his game, 
our little squad waited until he fired, and then poured a vol- 
ley into the south side of the tree-top. The return shot came 
immediately, and demonstrated plainly that we had done no 
damage. A second time we took aim and pulled trigger, only 
to be replied to by another puff of smoke out of the tree- 
top and the whistle of a bullet dangerously close to our ears. 
Then an Alabamian, 200 yards or more off to our right, gave 
us the hint we needed. He called out: 

" ' Say, Texans, you'ns ar' lettin' that ar plaguey sharp- 
shooter fool yer. He don't stay on the limb whar he shoots 
from. The moment he pulls trigger he jumps for the body 
of the tree. Eff yer'll all center on that yer'll shorely git 

" And ' shorely git him ' we did. One of our boys shoved 
his hat well above the big rock sheltering his body. The 
sharpshooter fired at it, and just a second later we sent a vol- 
ley of bullets into the tree-top, this time, however, aiming so 
as to scalp the trunk of the tree in which our enemy was 
lodged, and had the satisfaction of seeing the fellow's body 
come tumbling to the ground. 

" 6 You got him that time, Johnny,' sang out a Yankee that 
was nearer by. 

" ' We shorely did,' answered one of our party. ' We saw 
him drop, and we heerd 'im strike the ground, damn him.' 

" These little amenities exchanged with the enemy, we 
looked to our rear and saw, far down the hill below us, that 
our main force was making a change of position that would 
leave us entirely unsupported and subject to capture. That 
was the signal to us for an immediate retreat, and I don't 
mind acknowledging that it was precipitate. It couldn't have 
been otherwise, for not only was our flight downhill, but it 
was hastened by the bullets of the enemy. I know that I went 
with the velocity of a shell just out of the cannon's mouth — 
so fast, indeed, that I could distinctly hear the thunder of 
the air as it rushed together behind me to fill the vacuum my 
body left." 

The only Texas commands that served in the Army of 


Northern Virginia were the First, Fourth and Fifth Texas 
regiments, and the only Arkansas command so serving was 
the Third Arkansas. Isolated as these four organizations 
were, it was but natural that they should be allowed, in a 
manner, to " weed their own rows " and keep their own rec- 
ords ; arduous as their service was, it was equally natural, 
perhaps, that while " weeding their own rows " on the firing 
line in a fashion that won them the respect of both friends and 
foes, they should fail to keep the official records straight and 
in place. 

That they did so fail, is evident from the statement of the 
Librarian of Congress that " the known statistics of these 
regiments are so remarkable, that if missing figures can be 
obtained they will establish a record equalled by few, if any, 
organizations in the Civil War, or indeed, in modern warfare." 
It is a rule to judge of the achievements of a military com- 
mand by its losses in action, as officially stated. Unfor- 
tunately, Hood's Texas Brigade was too busy during the war 
inflicting losses upon the enemy, burying its own dead and 
caring for its own wounded, to have leisure for insisting that 
official statements of its losses should not only be made, but 
also carefully preserved. As a result, such reports of the 
losses of the brigade as were made were either not forwarded 
to the Confederate War Department, or, in the upheaval of 
Confederate war records that followed the retreat of General 
Lee from Petersburg, were lost, misplaced or destroyed. The 
same is true with respect to a great many of the official re- 
ports of the regimental commanders in the brigade. 

General W. It. Hamby, the president of the Association of 
the Survivors of Hood's Texas Brigade, has given the ques- 
tion of the losses of that command a painstaking and careful 
study ; and although unable to apportion it among the regi- 
ments, estimates its total loss, up to and including the battle 
of Chickamauga, as 598 killed and 3734 wounded, or in the 
aggregate, 4332. The muster rolls of the three Texas regi- 
ments are not on file among the Records of the Rebellion at 
Washington, and as the number enlisted in each is not to be 
obtained from official records, it is impossible to determine ac- 
curately what proportion of the aggregate loss of a bri- 
gade of which the Eighteenth Georgia, Hampton's Legion 


and the Third Arkansas were parts — the first, until after the 
battle of Sharpsburg; the second, until January, 1864; the 
third, from December, 1862, until Appomattox — should be 
credited to them. 

In a pamphlet published by General Jerome B. Robertson 
shortly after the close of the war, appears a list of names of 
killed and wounded of the First, Fourth and Fifth Texas at 
different battles ; but, while this list is doubtless accurate as 
far as it goes, it does not go far enough — no attempt being 
made to give the losses in those regiments in 1864 and 1865, 
and the losses of some of the regiments in battles of previous 
years not being given at all; therefore, it is not published. 


Captain Frank B. Chilton, President of Hood's Texas 
Brigade Monument Committee, was born in Perry County, 
Ala., in 1845, and at the age of five came with his parents to 
Harris County, Texas. Among the first to enlist in Company 
H, of the Fourth Texas infantry, Hood's Texas Brigade, he 
participated in all the battles fought by his command until 
September, 1862, when, on account of his youth, he was 
peremptorily discharged by the Confederate Secretary of 
War. Returning to Texas he immediately enlisted in Com- 
pany B of Baylor's regiment, Majors' Brigade, Green's 
Division of Cavalry. In 1864 he was elected to a lieutenantcy 
in his company. After the Louisiana campaign of that year, 
in which he was disabled from active service by wounds, he 
was made Commandant of the Post and Provost Marshal of 
Navasota, Texas. Later, his disability continuing, he was 
promoted to a captaincy, and assigned to the Reserve Corps, 
under command of General J. B. Robertson. 

Since the restoration of peace between the States, Captain 
Chilton has been prominent in both the business and politics 
of the State, and has held several important positions of trust. 
To him, more than to any other one man, should be accorded 
credit for suggesting and making possible the erection of a 
monument to the dead of Hood's Texas Brigade. His efforts 
have been crowned with success, and the monument will be un- 

Captain Frank Bowden Chii/ton 
Company II, Fourth Texas Regiment 



veiled at Austin on May 7, 1910, the forty-eighth anniversary 
of the battle of Eltham's Landing. 

General William R. Hamby, President of " Hood's Texas 
Brigade Association " and Treasurer of " Hood's Texas Bri- 
gade Monument Committee," resides at Austin, Texas, and 
holds a prominent place in the financial world. Born in Ten- 
nessee, he came to Texas with his widowed mother, in early 
youth. Among the first to enlist in Company B of the Fourth 
Texas Infantry, Hood's Texas Brigade, he participated in 
every battle in which that regiment was engaged until No- 
vember, 1862, when, on account of disabilities caused by 
wounds received at Second Manassas and Sharpsburg, he was 
discharged, being at that date only seventeen years old. 

Having returned to Texas in March, 1863, " Bill Hamby," 
as he was known to his comrades, under orders from General 
Adam R. Johnson, commanding the Second Brigade of Mor- 
gan's cavalry and then in Texas on recruiting service, set 
out for Kentucky at the head of ten other young men, and 
after frequent skirmishes with the enemy en route, arrived there 
and was attached to Helm's Scouts, of the Tenth Kentucky 
Cavalry, made a first lieutenant and assigned to scout duty 
at brigade headquarters. In a subsequent reorganization, the 
latter part of the war, his company became Company H of 
the Thirteenth Kentucky Cavalry. He was wounded and cap- 
tured in July, 1863, and after being exchanged, returned to 
active duty and was in command of his company — its cap- 
tain, Neill Helm, having been killed — when paroled April 26, 

After the war closed he was a student, during 1866 and 
1867, at Cumberland University, Lebanon, Tenn. After 
leaving the university he remained in Tennessee until 1882, 
being, while there, lawyer, journalist, and somewhat in poli- 
tics, and during the administration of Governor James D. Por- 
ter, serving as Adjutant-General of the State, and while so 
serving, originating and carrying to successful issue the first 
competitive military drill held in the South after the close of 
the war between the States. It was as Adjutant-General of 
Tennessee that he captured the title of general. 

Since his return to Texas in 1882, General Hamby has 


been a member of the Texas legislature and filled other offices 
of honor and trust. As a legislator he was the author and 
secured the passage of the first law of the State in aid of the 
Confederate Home, established at Austin by the John B. Hood 
Camp of United Confederate Veterans. To him is due a large 
share of the credit for building the monument to the dead of 
Hood's Texas Brigade, that is to be unveiled at Austin, in 
the Capitol grounds, on May 7, 1910, the anniversary of the 
battle of Eltham's Landing, the first battle of that brigade, 
and which it fought unaided by any other command. 

Captain W. T. Hill, one of the members of Hood's Texas 
Brigade Monument Committee, residing near Maynard, Texas, 
was born near Selma, Ala., August 16, 1837, and in early 
youth came with his parents to Walker County, Texas. He 
graduated from Austin College, at Huntsville, Texas, in the 
class of 1858, and entered service in the Confederate army as 
first lieutenant of Company D in the Fifth Texas Regiment 
of Hood's Texas Brigade, and when his captain, R. M. Powell, 
became a field officer of the regiment, he, Hill, became the 
captain of the company. 

At the surrender of Lee's army at Appomattox, and indeed, 
for some time prior to that event, Captain Hill was, as senior 
captain, present for duty, in command of the Fifth Texas. 
He was seriously wounded both at Gettysburg and the Wil- 
derness, and was recommended to the War Department at 
Richmond for promotion to the rank and command of colonel. 

Captain Hill was not a " headquarters " officer, but was 
always at his post and with his company, whether at rest or 
in action. He was one of those devoted leaders, the typical 
soldiers of the South, who trod steadily the rough path of 
duty, from the beginning to the end. Of him, a member of 
the Fifth Texas once said : " When on duty, whether in 
camp, on the march, or in battle, Captain Hill was a pretty 
strict disciplinarian ; when off duty, he held every one of his 
men to be as good as himself, but not a bit better; and none 
of them was better or braver, for no matter what danger 
threatened, Hill never flinched from it." 

But Captain Hill was not simply physically brave — he was 
morally brave enough to be an humble follower of the lowly 

George W. Litti/efiexd 
Eighth Texas Cavalry or ' ' Terry Rangers 



Nazarene, Jesus, and to exert his influence in every way pos- 
sible to make the men of his company Christians. That his 
religion was not a pretense is evident from the fact that he 
has been ever since the war, and is now, active in church and 
Sunday-school work. While as a soldier in the field of war 
he struck hard for the Southland in which he was born, as a 
soldier of the Cross he is faithful and untiring. 

As a member of the Monument Committee, Captain Hill 
has been a zealous worker, and has secured many subscrip- 
tions. He has also taken great interest in the preparation of 
the history of the Texas Brigade, and has made valuable 
contributions to it. 

Major George W. Littlefield, one of the members of 
" Hood's Texas Brigade Monument Committee," was born in 
Panola County, Miss., and came with his parents to Gonzales 
County, Texas, in 1850. He received his education in the 
country school, and in July, 1861, enlisted as a private in the 
Eighth Texas Cavalry, better known as the " Terry Rangers." 
He was promoted to the rank of second lieutenant in Jan- 
uary, 1862, and on May 1st following became a first lieutenant. 
On May 19, 1862, he was elected captain of his company. 
On the 26th of December, 1863, he received a wound from a 
bursting shell and fell to the ground. While lying there un- 
able to rise, and while the battle still raged, General Thomas 
Harrison, commanding the brigade in which the Rangers 
served, rode up and looking down at him, said : " Littlefield, 
I promote you to the rank of major, for gallantry on the field." 

But although Major Littlefield returned to his command 
in the following July, he was too seriously disabled by his 
wound to do service, and in November, 1864, he resigned his 
commission and returned to his home in Gonzales County, 
Texas. Here, although compelled to use crutches until 1867, 
he engaged in farming. In 1871 he entered the cattle busi- 
ness, and is, to-day, probably the owner of more cattle than 
any man in the State of Texas. He resides at Austin, Texas, 
and is prominent in financial circles. He has aided greatly in 
securing funds for the building of the monument to the dead 
of Hood's Texas Brigade, and is himself a generous con- 
tributor to the undertaking. 





F. S. Bass, Colonel commanding regiment; Jno. H. Leete, Adjutant; 
G. A. Merritt, Assistant Surgeon; D. K. Rice, Captain Co. C; Wm. A. 
Bedell, Captain Co. L; Jno. N. Wilson, Captain Co. K; J. J. Quarles, 
Captain Co. G; A. W. Buckner, First Lieutenant Co. C; A. A. Aldrich, 
First Lieutenant Co. I; H. H. Robinson, First Lieutenant Co. A; T. A. 
Ardrey, First Lieutenant Co. K; D. M. MJollynatt, First Lieutenant Co. 
G; A. C. Oliver, First Lieutenant Co. D; M. C. Noble, Second Lieutenant 
Co. F; Wm. M. Berryman, Second Lieutenant Co. I; Sam P. Torbett, 
Second Lieutenant Co. H; W. A. Forte, Hospital Steward. 

Company A. 
C J& Sergt., A. Alford; Private, G. Mathews. 

Company C. 

4th Sergt., J. N. Freeman; Privates, O. G. Armstrong, J. W. Armstrong, 
H. F. M. Freeman, J. P. Neil. 

Company D. 

2d Sergt., D. F. Storey; 3d Sergt., E. C. Powell; 1st Corp., J. T. Dixon; 
Privates, A. J. Adams, W. L. Durham, G. F. Moss, E. W. Oliver, J. W. 
Smith, S. L. Davenport, P. H. Glaze, W. O. Moore, F. T. Oliver, J. L. 

Company E. 

4th Sergt., W. H. Coleman; Privates, J. A. Clarke, S. F. Perry, G. F. 
Heard, F. M. Mays, R. G. Sands, T. H. Langley, J. T. Longino, J. W. 
Trowbridge, S. T. Watson. 

Company F. 

Privates, J. M. Snowden, A. S. Crarey. 

Company O. 

1st Sergt., G. W. Chambers; 2d Sergt., W. P. Bowen; 4th Sergt, J. 
Parker; 1st Corp., J. R. Keeling; Privates, L. A. Adams, J. W. Davis, F. 



M. Hopkins, T. F. Muin, E. M. Mathews, J. Lewellen, T. G. Seay, W. B. 
Henry, J. A. Knox, Jas. Ward, S. F. Black, D. B. Chambers, H. Darnell, 
G. W. Kennedy, J. W. Mathews, B. Y. Milan, J. M. Petty, W. J. Watts, 
W. B. Kimbrough, M. A. Knox, R. F. Wren, A. F. Cooke. 

Company H. 

1st Sergt., H. G. Hickman; 4th Sergt., Geo. Hollinsworth ; 5th Sergt., 
C. C. Baker; 1st Corp., J. E. Evans; 2d. Corp., W. H. Moore; Privates, P. 
A. Blanton, T. R. Edwards, N. Hollinsworth, J. A. Knight, J. M. Her- 
rington, J. Laflin, J. P. Surratt, Jas. Bolton, A. J. Fry, J. Honessburger, 
Joe A. Knight, T. B. Davidson, L. G. McKinsie, A. N. Fennell. 

Company I. 

2d Sergt., R. F. Emmons; 5th Sergt., D. B. Bush; Commissary Sergt., 
A. Aldrich; 1st Corp., J. M. Drawhorn; Privates, J. Harris, F. M. Morris, 
T. W. H. McCall, D. M. McLean, Chas. Scully. 

Company K. 

2d Sergt., O. T. Hanks; 3d Sergt., H. S. Bennett; 3d Corp., J. Brandon; 
4th Corp., W. F. Brooks; Privates, O. T. Hail, A. J. Preselle, H. C. Powell, 
A. J. Wilson, B. D. Dunham, W. H. Watson, Joe O. Brown, S. N. Peter- 
son, J. O. Noble, Geo. W. Menefree. 

Company L. 

3d Sergt., J. C. Pratt; 4th Sergt., W. A. Shelton; Frivates, Samuel 
Clarke, J. Dillon, M. Garrity, John McCarty, R. R. Stoddard, W. B. Von 
Hutton, M. L. Wagner, R. A. Curtis, L. F. Delardenier, T. L. McCarty, 
G. A. Merke, H. Soultze, A. W. Wood, Win. Hoskins, Jas Welch. 

Company M. 

1st Sergt., T. W. Peary; 2d Sergt., W. A. Roach, 3d Sergt., F. M. 
Slater; 4th Sergt., G. B. Lundy; 5th Sergt., D. H. Hamilton; Drummer, 
S. S. Watson; Privates, B. J. Caps, W. F. Eufinger, S. Stubblefield, W. T. 
White, S. Demirry, T, E. Hathorn, W. Tullous, J. A. White, Jo Wilson. 


C. M. Winkler, Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding regiment; W. H. Mar- 
tin, Major; J. C. Jones, Surgeon; J. T. McLaurin, Captain Co. B; R. H. 
Frank, Captain Co. D; J. T. Hunter, Captain Co. H; E. T. Kindred, Cap- 
tair Co. F; Haywood Branan, First Lieutenant Co. F; N. J. Mills, First 
Lieutenant Co. I; J. B. Boyd, First Lieutenant Co. C; J. S. Spivey, First 
Lieutenant Co. H; J. J. Atkinson, First Lieutenant Co. G; Wm. F. Ford, 
Second Lieutenant Co. B; G. E. Lynon, First Lieutenant Co. A; J. W. 


Duran, Second Lieutenant Co. I; Robert H. Leonard, Hospital Steward; 
J. R. P. Jett, T. D. Herst, J. H. Collins, D. H. Foster, D. J. Goode, Chas. 
Warner, P. R. Stamps and Frank Veal, Musicians. 

Company A. 

2d Sergt., P. H. Walker; 3d Sergt., W. D. Mooney; 4th Sergt., P. J. 
Deel; Privates, T. W. Fletcher, J. H. Gunn, J. S. Jones, W. H. Pittman, 
F. Thompson, J. M. Fields, W. A. Hall, A. J. Martin, T. S. Simmons, W. 
B. Walker. 

Company B. 

5th Sergt., W. J. Flanniken; 1st Corp., J. E. Jones; 2d Corp., W. J. 
Tannehill; 4th Corp., A. R. Masterson; Privates, L. B. Cox, A. A. Durfee, 
N. W. Mayfield, A. R. Rice, J. K. P. Dunson, J. B. Henderson, A. T. 
Luckett, S. P. Teague, D. A. Todd. 

Company C. 

2d Sergt., J. M. Adams; Privates, W. Geary, B. F. Merriman, S. W. 
Montgomery, W. Hearne. 

Company D. 

1st Sergt., Jas. Patterson; 2d Sergt., A. E. Wilson; 3d Sergt., R. A. 
Burges; 4th Sergt., S. A. Jones; 5th Sergt., Z. J. Harmon; 1st Corp., J. 
M. White; Privates, W. H. Burges, A. A. Dimmitt, J. B. Gregory, G. W. 
Little, F. C. White, J. S. Daniel, W. Dunn, J. F. Holmes, John Rodgers, B. 
Schmidt, G. A. Hodges. 

Company E. 

1st Sergt., P. M. Ripley; 2d Sergt., W. W. Dunklin; 1st Corp., E. C. 
Sharp; Privates, S. J. Billingsley, W. E. Duncan, W. M. King, F. C. Mul- 
lins, Jas. Robertson, H. B. Rogers, R. W. Umberson, G. N. Chenault, 
Samuel Fossett, W. H. Burton, W. A. Pamplin, N. N. Ripley, G. M. 
Taylor, P. D. Williams. 

Company F. 

1st Sergt., J. D. Murray; Privates, C. A. McAlister, H. G. Abbott, S. H. 
Hardoin, Jas. Alford, W. H. Dunn, L. T. Pogue. 

Company O. 

1st Sergt., L. H. Barry; 2d Sergt., W. M. Baines; 3d Sergt., W. A. 
Stacey; 5th Sergt., W. J. Grissett; 3d Corp., J. F. Martin; 4th Corp., B. 
F. Kelley; Privates, Jas. Aiken, D. R. Blackshear, E. C. Davis, C. G. 
Mooring, S. A. Midkiff, H. F. Plaster, G. S. Quails, H. E. Shal'er, T. G. 
Wallingford, J. J. Blackshear, J. J. Cooke, G. W. Jones, W. A. Martin, 
J. T. Muse, J. M. Pinckney, J. S. Reynolds, A. J. Stewart, H. F. Williams. 


Company H. 

4th Sergt., W. T. C. May; 1st Corp., R. H. Stewart; 4th Corp., J. H. 
Hall; Privates, T. C. Dillard, R. M. May, Thos. A. Wynne, H. Reiser, A. 
J. McOowan, W. A. Watson. 

Company I. 

4th Sergt., R. G. Halloway; Privates, W. B. Allen, J. W. Crabtree, H. L. 
Harrison, J. W. Holderman, L. W. Rice, W. W. Templeton, M. Barry, 
A. M. Crossland, J. J. Harrison, J. H. Orendorff, J. R. Shaw, J. H. 
Treadwell, J. C. Welch. 

Company K. 

1st Sergt., J. H. Kimbrough; 3d Sergt., M. H. Hodge; 5th Sergt., T. C. 
Banks; Privates, Jos. Baker, J. M. Campbell, M. Chapman, J. F. Ellege, 
L. J. Guthrie, J. J. Pickering, A. Boles, L. D. Champion, W. T. Brown, 
J. F. Gibbons, H. A. Larroo, J. Rice. 


Colonel, R. M. Powell; Surgeon, John J. Roberts; Adjutant, Wm. P. 
McGowen; Ensign, Wm. H. Clark; Sergeant-Maj or, John M. Smither; 
Ordnance Sergeant, A. T. Cross; Hospital Steward, W. H. Chadwick. 

Company A. 

2d Sergt, Chas. F. Settle; 3d Sergt., Joseph H. Shepherd; Privates, Lewis 
Coleman, George W. Douglas, James Downey, Wm. A. George, John T. 
Hurtt, James E. Landes, James Stanger. 

Company B. 

1st Lieut., Ben Baker; Musician, Albert H. Carter; Privates, Emmil 
Besch, W. H. Carlton, David M. Curry, Wesley Cherry, Thos. T. DeGraf- 
fenried, John W. Johnson, Joseph C. Kindred, J. S. Obenshain. 

Company C. 

Captain, J. E. Anderson; 2d. Sergt., John A. Green; Privates, J. P. 
Copeland, H. T. Driscoll, E. W. James, T. R. Pistole, J. E. Swindler, P. 
H. West, H. P. Traweek. 

Company D. 

Captain, Wm. T. Hill; 1st Sergt., Jno. C. Hill; 2d Corp., Richard Hardy; 
Privates, Thos. J. Birdwell, Bernard Carrington, Joel Minshew, Martin L. 
Gilbert, Anthony F. Golding, Abner M. Hinson, Thos. J. Lewis, Robert 
Staunton, Wm. A. Traylor, Alfred W. Underwood, Wm. P. Wilson, Wm. 
P. Powell, M. D. 


Company E. 

2nd Lieut., Bowling Eldridge; 3rd Sergt., Wm. C. LeGrand; 4th Sergt., 
Sidney V. Patrick; 5th Sergt., George B. Williams; Musician, James Har- 
deman; Musician, John F. Fields; Privates, M. A. J. Evans, Rufus K. 
Felder, W. H. Gray, Wm. H. Innes, Wm. R. Lott, Wm. H. McAlister, 
David O. Patrick, Simon B. Smith, Frank M. Smith, Joseph W. Wallace. 

Company F. 

Captain, Watson S. Williams; 1st Sergt., Henry V. Angell; 2d Sergt., 
Cadmus Wilborn; Privates, Basil C. Brashear, Julius Beckman, Saml. E. 
Perley, Joseph C. Ross, John V. Sloan, Henry C. Shea, Ransom Swiney, 
Thomas W. Taylor, Frank G. Whittington. 

Company G. 

1st Lieut., Edward Williams; 1st Sergt., Lucilius W. Caldwell; 3rd Sergt., 
Wm. W. Smith; 4th Sergt., James Fool; 3d Corporal, James P. Smith; 
Privates, Geo. A. Bernard, Wm. T. Dyer, Hugh C. Jackson, Elias B. Mc- 
Aninch, Danl. McDonald, David H. Mayes, Wm. A. Nabours, Constantine 
P. Nance, John B. Small, Andrew J. Tomlinson. 

Company H. 

2nd Lieut., D. W. McDonell ; 1st Sergt., Jacob Hemphill ; 2nd Sergt., G. M. 
Sims; 3d Sergt., Wm. Grayless; 4th Sergt., S. W. Small; Musician, Wm. 
Cooper; Privates, A. D. Brinkley, A. H. Butler, James Curry, J. A. 
Chesser, Willis B. Darby, Milton P. Foster, P. K. Goree, Thos. S. Haynie, 
George H. Johnson, Thompson Kelly, Harvey Rose, J. Shields, J. A. Shaw, 
James M. Small, S. E. Walters, Robt. T. Wilson, John Reader, Wm. Woods. 

Company I. 

Captain, Ben I. Franklin; 1st Lieut., Dimas R. Ponce; 1st Sergt., George 
W. Clampitt; 2'd Sergt, Wm. O. Morgan; 3d Sergt., Saml. D. Williams; 
4th Sergt., John S. Hafner; Privates, Ben J. Baldwin, Fritz Bettis, Willis 
G. Blue, James R. Clutt, D. H. Carter, J. W. Deane, James A. Eatman, 
B. S. Fitzgerald, Robert Fleming, Curran Holmes, A. W. Holt, John D. 
Howie, Jonathan A. Love, Wm. R. McRee. 

Company K. 

2d Lieut., J. M. Alexander; 1st Sergt, T. F. Meece; 4th Sergt., A. B. 
Green; 4th Corp., J. F. Ford; Musician, J. W. Smith; Musician, W. S. 
Sandall; Privates, R. A. Ashley, J. M. Bowen, J. D. Galvert, A. W. Dunn, 
A. J. Fairchilds, W. G. Hendly, Henry C. Hirams, Mark A. Hubert, 
E. Kirkland, W. M. McDonald, B. F. Meekins, D. A. Rowe, U. P. Steph- 
enson, S. D. Waldrop, W. B. Young. 


Company D. 
Privates, M. A. Lampkin, J. W. Ewing. 

Company C. 
Private, J. T. Allison. 


Robert S. Taylor, Lieutenant-Colonel, commanding regiment; J. R. 
Brown, Surgeon; H. T. Kleinschmidt, Assistant Surgeon; G. E. Butler, 
Chaplain; Josh. Hightower, Captain Co. C; A. C. Jones, Captain Co. G; 
Frank Thach, Captain Co. H; J. W. Norris, Captain Co. K; Wm. H. Har- 
rison, Captain Co. E; T. A. Anderson, Captain Co. F; J. D. Pickens, First 
Lieutenant Co. E; R. M. Stribling, First Lieutenant Co. F; J. I. Miles, 
Second Lieutenant Co. H; Thomas P. Brewen, Second Lieutenant Co. K; 
J. L. Meel, Second Lieutenant Co. G. 


Company A. 

2d Sergt., H. A. Ralph; Privates, J. C. Bull, J. D. Geddie, W. C. Hannan, 
Jas. Day, W. E. Gregory, H. N. Morris, W. A. Moore, J. S. Banks, S. S. 
Johnson, J. A. Kelly, G. W. Smith, Wash Parks, C. A. Harrold, J. D. 
Kelley, G. Y. Mock, S. F. Stevens, G. L. Wright. 

Company B. 

1st Sergt., R. E. McMurray; 5th Sergt., H. B. Lindsey; Privates, J. P. 
Hughes, Jas. Reid, N. J. Fuller, J. F. Ketchins, S. D. Cobb, Dan'l. Senn. 

Company C. 

1st Sergt., W. E. Conley; 1st Corp., Chas. W. Jeter; Privates, Robert 
S. Rust, B. F. Glossup, Jas. T. Burden, Jas. B. Robertson, Jno. A. Fer- 
guson, W. L. Law, S. P. Otts, W. T. Tuggle, T. J. Wilson. 

Company D. 

1st Sergt., J. A. Harrell; Privates, W. T. Anderson, J. H. Tyner, T. T. 
Crow, J. H. White, J. S. Bush. 

Company E. 

1st Sergt, J. S. Grooms; 3d Sergt., Jesse W. Hill; 4th Sergt., J. V. 
King; 5th Sergt., W. H. Dumas; 4th Corp., L. C. Duke; Privates, J. W. 
Hill, W. V. Jester, H. F. King, Jno. N. Mcllvine, Jno. D. Staples, O. W. 
Jester, J. R. Jester, Jones Amason, P. H. Reynolds, B. F. Stevens, K. 


Company F. 

1st Sergt., W. S. Adair; 2d Sergt., Austin Phelps; Privates, C. R. Buster, 
T. J. White, S. H. Emmerson, A. J. Grigsby, Wm. Stanley. 

Compiny G. 

4th Sergt., L. C. Warwick; 5th Sergt., H. A. Massey; Corp., J. B. Wilson; 
Privates, W. J. Alderson, J. F. Brooks, M. L. Crumpler, H. J. P. Fergu- 
son, Hill Jones, J. F. Lauderdale, J. A. Moore, E. M. Mitchell, P. A. 
Beeman, Frank Courtney, A. P. Cummings, G. W. Fuller, W. J. Keeling.. 
D. H. Lewis, R. M. McDowell, V. Q. Warwick. 

Company H. 

4th Sergt., T. W. Hagood; Privates, Joe. May, J. W. Cook, G. B. Mc- 
Donald, Jeff Thornsbury. 

Company I. 

1st Sergt., J. S. Williams; 3d Sergt., W. G. Lockhart; 3d Corp., B. B. 
Newbern; Privates, Moses Garner, W. H. G. Morgan, E. D. Goza, Robert 
Ratteree, John C. Jones, J. W. Rhodes, J. M. Robertson, J. S. Shirley, 
W. T. Brewer. 

Company K. 

1st Sergt., H. C. Denson; 2d Sergt., J. L. F. Hill; 3d Sergt., M. L. Mc- 
Curdie; Privates, A. P. Bennett, W. D. Everett, Thomas Morris, D. T. 
White, J. C. Gilliam, J. H. Fountain, J. C. Phillips, J. H. Campbell, J. H. 
Goldsby, R. P. Noble, J. H. Albrecht, A. W. Holcomb, Geo. Jackson, R. 
M. Roberts; Musicians, E. L. Bigham, R. J. Baily, R. J. Lowry, J. D. 
Randle, G. A. Bailey, J. B. Jackson, G. F. Melton, F. M. Ward, B. F. 
Ward; Hospital Steward, H. C. White. 


Harvey H. Black, captain; promoted Jas. Henderson, lieutenant and ad- 
to lieutenant-colonel of the regi- j jutant of the regiment 
ment and killed at Eltham's Land- Dr. Ewing, surgeon of the regiment 
ing «| Allen, "Bent" 

Geo. T. Todd, elected captain on re- "j Allen, J. L. 
organization, May, 1862, still living !• Alford, Julius C. 

Wes. Laney, first lieutenant. Became .'Alford, Will; killed in battle 
captain January, 1864 j: Armstrong, George 

Harry H. Robinson, second lieu- .jAttee, John; killed at Eltham's 
tenant h| Landing 

John H. Leete, V. S. & Baker, Green 



Barron, Charles 

Blalock, J. 

Blackburn, Frank; killed in battle 

Brookshire, Tom; killed in battle 

Bird, John; killed in battle 

Bebo, C; killed in battle 

Brewer, T. E. (Dick) 

Browning, Henry 

Bronaugh, David 

Chase, R. 

Crawford, J. C. (Ball); killed at 
Gaines' Farm 

Carlton, Prof. 

Campbell, " Gulie " ; killed in battle 

Derrick, E. P.; killed at Gettysburg 

Derrick, John; killed at Gettysburg 

Daugherty, Hugh; killed at Gettys- 

Dudgrove, H. 

Durrum, Will 

Epperson, H. J.; captured and died 
in Virginia 

Edison, John 

Elliott, Bill; killed in battle 

Edwards, James; killed in battle 

Frazier, O. C. 

Gaines, John 

Gray, John 

Goforth, John 

Graham, Chas, J. 

Hensey, Hugh 

Heisinant, Henry; killed in battle 

Heisinant, Boynton 

Hawkins, J. Cal. 

Higgins, Pat; killed 

Hill, J. C. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

Hudson, Geo. W. 

Jacoby, M.; lost leg at Gaines' Farm 

Jones, C. D.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Jones, Tom; killed at Sharpsburg 

Joiner, James; killed at Sharpsburg 

Kinty, Joe; killed in battle 

Kennedy, John H. 

Lane, Ben 

Lindsay, Joshua; jaw broken at 

McDougald, Will; killed at Gettys- 

Malone, Jas. 

McLendon, W. ; killed in battle 

McMahon, Tom; killed in battle 

Mathis, George 

Murphy, P.; killed in battle 

Fostlethwaite, Chas. 

Rogers, George; killed in battle 

Rogers, Walter 

Sikes, B.; killed in battle 

Sitzer, M.; killed in battle 

Slaughter, H.; killed in battle 



Story, Frank 

Tawlock, F.; killed in battle 

Thompson, G. ; killed in battle 

Todd, Louis B. 

Veal, John 

Whitaker, Willis; lost arm 

Wimberly, John; killed on Potomac 
in 1861 

Wimberly, W. L.; discharged 

Wright, S. 

Wright, J. C. 

Williams, Chas.; killed in battle 

Walton, Doug. 


B. ; wounded, dis- Burns, Larry; discharged 

Butler, John 
W.; wounded, dis- Butler, Chas. W.; killed at Gettys- 
Barter, Fred 
Burke, Thos. 

Balling, Booker; wounded, discharged Canterberry, Jordan; wounded and 
Bradford, Champ.; lieutenant transferred 

Bradford, James; discharged Carr, Frank 

Anderson, M. 

Banfield, G. 

Bass, Richard 
Bass, Robert 


Choate, Rufus; killed at Chicka- McGee, S. H.; wounded at Sharps- 

mauga burg, discharged 

Cox, W. H.; discharged McNally, Jno.; killed at Malvern 

Collins, Frank; wounded and dis- Hill 

charged McNulty, Henry 
De Walt, K. B. Lieut.; resigned Meece, Calvin; transferred to Corn- 
Derrick, George; died at Manassas pany K, 5th Texas Regiment 
Derrick, John Meekins, P. P. 
Donnelly, Pat; killed at Chicka- Meekins, Roderick; killed at Gettys- 

mauga burg 

Dortch, Joseph; killed at Malvern Morris, Benjamin; transferred to ar- 

Hiii tiller y 

Dunnam, Sid; joined Trans-Missis- Moore, D. D., Capt.; resigned 

sippi army and killed at Mans- Nettles, Thos.; wounded at York- 
field town, discharged 

Dunnam, C. R. ; paroled O'Gorman, John 

Dunnam, M. A.; wounded at Ma- Probert, John; killed at Gaines' Mill 

nassas Quigley, John 

Ellis, Richard; killed at Chicka- Sandel, Wilborn 

mauga Sanderson, Adolph; killed at Chicka- 

Evans, James; transferred to Va. mauga 

regiment, killed Scott, Thomas 

Fontain, H. B.; joined the Trans- Scott, Wm, 

Mississippi army and made captain Shotwell, John I., Lieut., Capt., killed 

of artillery by bushwhackers, N. C, while a 

Garner, James; killed at Gettys- prisoner 

burg Shotwell, T. B. 

Garner, Wm.; wounded at Malvern Shotwell, Wm. 

Hill, discharged Stevens, James P.; killed at Chicka- 

Gibson, Wm. mauga 

Ham, George; killed at Gettysburg Smith, U. P.; joined Trans-Missis- 

Harding, R. J., Lieut., Capt., and sippi army 

Lieut.-Col.; wounded at Gettyburg Trinkman, A.; engineer corps 

and Cold Harbor Victory, Jack; killed at Gettysburg 

Ike Indian Walker, William, Lieut.; killed at 

Johnson, George H.; wounded at Cold Harbor 

Sharpsburg and captured at Westbrook, Nathaniel; killed at Cold 

Chickamauga , Harbor 

Jones, Enoch Ward, Sam. V.; discharged 

Kirksey, Newton; wounded William, Zack; killed at Gaines 

Kendrich, John Mill 

Kennady, Jefferson Woodward, Sam J.; wounded at 

Lewis, Green; wounded, discharged Wilderness, discharged. 

Lowe, Henry B.; Lieut. Woodward, Mc. 

Lowe, Daniel; wounded at Gettys- West, Dr. Jacob 

burg, discharged Zeluff, 

McClannahan, James; killed at Mai- Carraway, L. W. 

vern Hill Love > Bobfc; wounded at Malvern 

McDonald, Wm. Hill, discharged 


Walker, George; killed near Rich- , Bean; transferred to Engineers 

mond, Va. Corps 

Rev. Blackwell Dunnam Every member of Company B be- 

Sy Hines; transferred to Engineers lieved dead except P. P. Meekins and 

Corps , R. J. Harding, and probably M. B. 



Clopton, A. G., Capt. Covey, Chas.; killed at West Point 
Hewitt, W. M.; 1st Lieut. (or Eltham's Landing) 

Henderson, W. W., 2d Lieut. Covey, Thos. 

Curtright, C. R., 3d Lieut. Childs, H. C. 

Shropshire, W., Orderly Sergeant; Carlow, Jas. A. 

wounded at Sharpsburg, dead. Dobbs, Wm.; killed at Gettysburg 

Morris, Simon, 2d Sergeant; killed at Droomgoole, Jack; captured 

Gettysburg, Pa. Dudley, Jas. 

Shaw, Jno., 3d Sergt.; discharged for Davenport, S. L. 

disability, 1861. Dennis, Pone; mortally wounded at 
Thomas, Jack, 1st Corp.; mortally Gaines' Farm 

wounded at Chicamauga Dennis, Tom. 

McDowell, J. H., 2'd Corp.; wounded Dickson, T. J.; wounded at Sharps- 

at West Point burg 

Blalock, Rube, 3d Corp.; died of Durrum, Jake; killed at Sharpsburg 

bayonet wound at Spottsylvania Durrum, Wm. L.; wounded at Chick- 
Henderson, J. B., 4th Corp. amauga, received gold medal for 


privates Dunklin, Jas.; wounded three times 

Allen, D. Dean, Jas.; transferred 

Adams, T. J. Day, Wm. ; captured 

Adams, A. J. Easley, Jas. S. ; wounded at Chicka- 
Bean, Andy mauga 

Blackwell, Jas.; one of Hood's Ellington, Wm. 

trusted scouts Floyd, Richard 

Bryan, Thos. Floyd, R. A. H.; wounded at Gettys- 
Bryan, Felix; retired for wound in burg 

'63 Frazier, Ed. 

Bartlett, Dan; lost arm at Sharps- Grogard, Thos. 

burg Griffin, Big. 

Barker, Dug. Glaze, P. H.; wounded at Chicka- 
Barnard, Joe; discharged mauga 

Brown, Ed.; killed at Sharpsburg Glage, J. R. 

Cook, J. P.; wounded at Chicka- Graham, Chas. 

mauga Gibson, Robt.; killed at Gettysburg 

Colly, Albert Hewitt, Joe. 

Colly, Wm. Henderson, B. F. 

Connally, Scott Houston, A. A. 

Connally, Raddy; killed at Sharps- Hines, Ben. 

burg Hartzo, Labe 


Hopkins, Columbus; killed at The Powell, E. C; wounded several times, 

Wilderness through the chest at Chickamauga 

Hughes, Frank Porter, J. W. 

Hass, Henry; mortally wounded at Perryman, Maje 

Gettysburg Pickett, L. L. 

Jackson, W. C; killed at Sharpsburg Petty, Thos. 

Jackson, W. R.; killed at Sharpsburg Robinson, Wm. 

Lockett, Wm. Robinson, Jno. C; wounded in the 

Lindsey, Dave mouth at Chickamauga 

McCoy, H. C; wounded at Sharps- Reynolds, S. F. 

burg Richardson, A. 
Moody, Sam. Snellgrove, J. P.; wounded at Chick- 
Moss, W. O.; mortally wounded at amauga 

Chickamauga, was given a gold Simms, Dave; wounded at Gaines' 

medal for bravery Farm 

Moss, G. F. ; was transferred from Story, R., F. ; lost portion of his hand 

8th Ga. Regt. to Company D, 1861 at The Wilderness 

Moss, A. M.; was transferred from Smith, Joe; wounded twice 

8th Ga. Reg. to Company D, 1861 Snow, Geo. 

Mathews, Sol. Snow, Wm.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Mixon, Chap.; killed near Richmond Snow, Robt. 

Moore, Jno.; mortally wounded near Sasser, Wm. 

Richmond Shaw, Jno. 

Murray, W. W. Smith, J. W. 

Milligan, Larkin Sartin, Wm.; killed at Sharpsburg 

McAlpine, Thos. Slade, Thos. 

McAlpine, Jas.; deserted Trice, Jas.; transferred 

Miles, J. Foster ; killed at Gettysburg Therrell, Abe ; killed near Gaines' 

Miles, Aquilla; wounded at Chicka- Mill 

mauga Thomas, Jack, Lieut.; when mortally 

McClellan, Wm.; killed at Gettysburg wounded at Chickamauga 

Mitchell, Frank Thomas, Lucian; killed at Gettysburg 

Noward, Jas.; transferred. Taylor, Bill 

Oliver, W. S.; wounded at Gettys- Wear, Henry; transferred 

burg. Williams, W. W. 

Oliver, A. C; wounded at White Oak Wood, Jack; wounded at Sharpsburg 

Swamp Wise, 

Oliver, W. H.; mortally wounded at Wood, Bailey 

Chickamauga White, Joe. 

Oliver, F. F.; wounded near Rich- Watson, Jno. 

mond Sledge, Nat. M. 

Oliver, Jno. A. Chesser, 

Oliver, H. P. July, 1861, Capt. Clopton was pro- 
Oliver, W. A. T.; wounded at moted to Major. The company was 

Sharpsburg commanded by Lieut. Hewitt until 

O'Rear, J. P.; lost leg near Rich- the reorganization, 1862. Lieut. C. R. 

mond, '64 Curtright drilled the company. 




The following members of the " Marshall Guards " were mustered 
into the Confederate service on June 6th, 1861 — the company afterwards 
[becoming Company E, of the First Texas: 

F. S. Bass, Captain 

E. H. Baxter, 1st Lieut. 

A. D. Burns, 2d Lieut. 
J. K. Taylor, 3d Lieut. 
Adam Hope 

J. R. Pogue 
J. M. Pears 
W. E. Turner 
T. P. Ochiltree 
J. R. Bullock 
C. H. Fields 
S. H. Burnham 
W. Finney 

B. R. Brasil 
W. L. Langley 
A. B. Peal 

J. A. Lindsey 

W. H. Coleman 

J. H. Coleman I 

C. H. Morrison 
W. T. Clark 
W. D. Prescott 
J. R. Boone 
Henry Stone 
M. A. Chivers 
J. W. Smith 
James W. Pope 
Thomas Steele 

G. W. Willingham 
R. Lloyd 

E. A. Earnest 
R. S. I. Burns 
J. H. Hendrick 
W. B. Preston 
R. Stephens 
J. F. Rudd 
S. T. Watson 
M. McKinney 
T. M. Sloan 
W." Campbell 
Chas. Woodson 
L. N. Levy 
R. S. Clark 

E. M. Ewing 

D. L. Wilson 
John Smith 
S. A. King 

T. H. Langley 
R. Childers 
Geo. McQueen 
G. W. Stauts 
W. C. Scott 

A. F. Wiggs 
Joe Marks 
W. P. Rawls 
J. M. Taylor 
Thomas McKay 
Ben. S. Pope 
William Boodworth 
S. W. Webb 
Pratt Hughes 

G. A. Peete 
J. O. Bradneld 
Marcus Gillett 
J. A. Clark 
J. W. Gillian 
James Norwood 
G. F. Heard 
Howell Austin j 

John Burke 

B. W. Webb 
J. W. Webb 
R. F. Joyce 
S. F. Perry 
Clinton Perry 

E. O. Perry 
H. E. Perry 

J. D. Campbell 
J. W. Trowbridge 
James Spradling 

C. H. Ward 
T. J. Longino 
Riley G. Sands 
M. B. Turrentine 
W. F. Woodward 
James Hayes 



Robert Marshall 
Lee Trimble 
J. C. K. Mullay 
J. A. Lawson 
David Dunn 
Rev'd Collins 
Jos. Robertson 

R. V. Phillips 
W. J. Purnell 
J. S. Vandergraff 
W. D. Haynes 
A. A. Allen 
Franklin Mayes 
D. M. Walker 


Work, P. A., Capt. and later Lieut.- 

Willson, S. A., 1st Lieut, and later 

Landers, Robt., 2d Lieut. 
Rock, I. D., 3d Lieut. 
Bullock, James 




Bradshaw, Ben 
Barclay, Thomas 

Bush, ; was killed in battle 

Bush, Dr. 
Blacksher, William 


Crier, Manuel; killed in battle 

Crier, Morris 

Crier, William; killed in battle 

Chance, Dock 

Chance, Zeke 

Chance, Dan 

Cravey, Jack 

Durham, Thomas 

Durham, Richard 


Eskridge, Thomas; killed in battle 
Evans, James 

Engleking, ; killed in battle 

Gilder, U. M. 

Goodman, William 

Graham, Jack; killed in battle 

Grimes, William 

Hooker, Robt. 

Hooks, Gill 

Holloman, Burrell; killed in battle 

Harvill, Henry; wounded 

Hinds, James; died of wounds 

Hinds, James, Jr. 

Hamilton, Tillman; killed in battle 

Hamilton, Ed. 

Holmes, William 

Hanks, Amos; wounded in battle 

Jones, Henry C; died of wounds re- 
ceived in battle 

Jones, Samuel; wounded in battle 

Kindrell, James 

Long, Green '■ 

Minter, John 

May, Dr. 

McMellon, Dunkin; killed in battle 

McDurmot, Hugh 

Moore, Henry 

Nicks, W. P. 

Noble, Milton, and later Lieut. 

Poole, William; wounded in battle 

Poole, Josh; wounded in battle 

Phillipps, James 

Phillips, John 

Prewitt, Argalus 

Perryman, James 


Rigsby, A. J.; late Captain of Com- 

Rountree, Andrew 

Runnels, Perry; killed in battle 

Smith, Milton 

Shide, ; killed in battle 

Snowden, Jasper 

Smith, Sergt. ; killed in battle 

Steadman, Bug. 

Steadman, Eli; died in army of 
wound received in battle 

Steadman, John 

Scott, William; killed in battle 

Smith, Zack 

Sims, Cubb 

Smith, Abe 



Snow, Dr.; killed 
Sharp, Charley 
Tompkins, D. C. 
Tompkins, Jasper 
Tolbert, Dr. 
Travis, John 


died in army from a 

wound received in battle 
Wiggins, William 
Ward, Joseph 
Wackter, J. J. 
Wammack, Green 
Van Vleck, Julius; was killed in bat- West, Isaac 

tie Wooton, Albert; died in army of 

Welch, Thomas; killed in battle wound received by accident 


Copied from original muster roll at 
surrender at Appomattox, by Willis J. 
Watts of Company G, 1st Texas, 
April 10, 1865, day after surrender. 

Woodward, J. R., Capt.; promoted to 

Major, died of wound 
Jemmison, E. S., 1st Lieut.; promoted 

to Captain, wounded at Gaines' 

Dale, Matt, 3d Lieut.; elected Major, 

killed at Sharpsburg 
Campbell, Ben. A., 3d Lieut.; killed 

at Gettysburg 
Rose, T. J., O. Sergt. ; promoted to 

Lieut., wounded at Sharpsburg 
Harris, Matt, 2d Sergt. 
Kimbrough, Wm., 3d Sergt. 
Holley, J., 4th Sergt. 
Box, Lina, 5th Sergt. 
Wright, C. F,, 1st Corp.; lost arm at 

Hopper, Wm, 2d Corp. 
Montgomery, Mat., 3d Corp. 
Cantley, Zeb., 4th Corp.; killed at 



Aspley, M. J.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Allen, Phil T. 

Admas, Levi 

Barnes, N. R. 

Bradley, Hy. ; wounded at Chicka- 

Brighman, Wm.; killed at Ft. Har- 

Bo wen, Estes 

Bowen, Pat., Sergt. 

Burgess, J. 

Bottoms, Smith; killed at Sharpsburg 

Black, Sim; disabled at 2d Manassas 

Blackshear, Seb. ; disabled at Sharps- 

Buttler, Richard; killed at Sharps- 

Butts, Jas.; disabled at Wilderness 

Burrough, S. R. 

Copeland, J. C. ; killed at Wilderness 

Cone, Jack; killed at Sharpsburg 

Cone, Hy. ; disabled at Wilderness 

Cook, A. P. 

Crombie, Dr. A. C, Assist. Surg. 

Croghan, Pat.; deserted 

Chambers, D. C. 

Chambers, A. J. 

Chambers, W. D., O. Sergt. 

Colvin, Jim; deserted 

Corder, Jim; killed at Wilderness 

Downs, G. B.; killed in battle, 1864 

Duval, J. D. 


Duval, W. A.; killed at Gettysburg 

Darnell H. 

Duval, Richard 

Derdan, Jim; disabled at Sharpsburg 

Davis, J. W. 

Dagg, Ed.; killed at Chickamauga 

Feles, M. M.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Gibson, L. H. 

Fondren, Bud.; transferred 

Goad, J. O.; lost leg at Farmville, 
Va., 1865, last fight 

Garner, W. 

Groomes, Lewis; wounded at Chicka- 



Goodwin, Chas. 
Hickey, T. C. 
Heperley, J. C. 

Hoffman, Hy.; deserted 

Hoover, W. P.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Hopkins, Frank 

Hallum, B. A.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Hazellwood, W. T.; killed at Chicka- 

Hambey, Marsh 

Henry, W. B. 

Holloway, Jim; disabled at Gettys- 

Hicky, W. 

Hill, R. C. 

Honeycutt, Hy. ; disabled at Gettys- 

Jordan, Bruce 

Johnson, Jas. 

Johnson, John 

Knox, M. A.; disabled at Sharpsburg 

Knox, Joe 

Kenneday, Geo. 

Kenneday, Jos. 

Keeling, Jno. 

Kyle, Geo.; killed at Chickamauga 

Lindsy, Jno. 

Lewellyn, J. E. 

Lewellyn, Alf. 

Lottie, N. S. 

Lynch, H.; deserted 

Leath, Dan. 

Mynatte, Park; died of wound at 
Chickamauga, Ga., was 2d Lieut, 
of Company 

Mynatte, D. M.; elected Lieut. 

Mathews, A. M.; disabled at Gaines' 

Mathews, J. W. 

Mathews, F. M. 

McKnight, Robt; disabled at Gaines' 

Mahle, Henry 

Main, T. C; wounded 

McKinzie, Robt.; deserted 

McKinzie, Tom. 

Morris, Chas. 

McFarland, C. R.; killed at Sharps- 

Milan, John; lost leg at Gettysburg 

Milan, B. Y. 

Morgan, J. 

McCannahan, Rube; absent without 

Morite, J. 

Mallard, Mark; deserted 

Newson, Elias; disabled at Wilder- 

Newson, John 

O'Brien, Martin; killed at Eltham's 
Landing i 

Owens, H.; deserted 

Parker, John 

Parker, Ira; died from wound at 

Parkes, B. F. 

Parkes, Joe 

Posey, Ed.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Posey, Jack; killed at Sharpsburg 

Petty, Robt. 

Petty, Jno. N. 

Pitts, Jesse 

Pugh, J. j, 

Quarles, J. J.; elected captain 

Rudd, J. S. 

Rockwall, ; deserted 

Reaves, Chas. 

Ratcliff, A. T. ; wounded at Gettys- 

Read, Jeff.; now dead 

Read, N. D. 

Rountree, Sam.; killed at Gaines - 

Stinson, J. C. ; was killed at Gaines 

Stinson, Cal. 

Spurrier, Nathan 

Seay, Tom; living 

Sorrell, J. C. ; absent without leave 

Spring, L. 

Scott, J. G. 

Stephens, J. 

Shamburger, Tom 

Stalcup, Jasper; disabled at Wilder- 

Scarbrough, Geo. 

Scarbrough, M. 

Sawyer, B.; deserted 



Thompson, A.; disabled at Wilder- 

Ward, R. K. 

Ward, Jim; disabled at Second Ma- 

Watts, F. J.; lost arm at Sharpsburg 

Watts, B. F. 

Watts, W. J. N.; was wounded five Wren, Dick 
times Wren, Richard 

Watts, A. J.; wounded three places Williamson, Jos. 

at Chickamauga, disabled at Wil- 

Woodhouse, W. D. 
Woodhouse, J. T. 
Woodhouse, Chas. 

Gaines' Mill 
Wren, W. C. 

W.; killed at 

Captain, A. T. Rainey 

Captain, W. H. Gaston 

Lieut., Bedford Parks 

Lieut., W. R. Miller 

Lieut., Jno. Stevenson 

Lieut., R. H. Gaston 

Lieut., J. L. Spencer 

Lieut., R. J. Rhome 

Lieut., S. P. Torbett 

Lieut., J. T. Smith 

A. M. Finnell 

J. R. Jones 

J. E. Hickman 

O. Q. A. Capps 

H. G. Hickman 

E. G. Eell 

W. A. Ford 

W. Arnwine 

A. A. Anderson 

A. A. Adkinson 

J. B. Bussey 

P. A. Blanton 

J. Baldwin 

Tom Butler 

M. A. Berry 

J. Briggs 

Jno. Baker 

Wm. Barton 

A. C. Baxley 

C. S. Bolton 

W. S. Beard 

R. R. Birdwell 

Geo. Beauchamp 

Tom Brilley 

J. R. Beers 

C. C. Baker 


J. A. Bolton 
C. Cecil 
J. J. Clarke 
J. A. Counts 
Geo. Colton 
G. W. Culpepper 
A. F. Cox 
J. R. Crutchfield 
I. Cotney 
Dock Cantrell 
Wm. Derrough 
J. M. Doherty 
L. L. Evans 
J. Evans 
Felix Embry 
A. F. Erwin 
G. R. Edwards 
W. Foster 
Jno. J. Foster 

A. J. Fry 

N. H. Freeman 
H. B. Fontaine 
M. V. Fry 
W. H. Gray 

B. Goble 

G. W. Grisham 

J. A. Graham 

J. A. Griffis 

J. F. Gibson 

S. Garrett 

J. J. Herrington 

J. M. Herrington 

J. B. Hanks 

J. C. Hollingsworth 

G. Hollingsworth 

N. Hollingsworth 

W. Hollingsworth 
J. H. Howell 
Alf. Horton 
I. Honingsburger 
W. N. Haynes 
Fred Horton 
Jno. Henry 
W., Hammer 
D. M. Horton 
S. S. Hones 
D. L. Hill 
M. Jacobs 
Lee King 
Jno. Jones 
J. Loftin 
G. W. Lumpkin 
L. G. McKenzie 
James Marshall 
W. J. Mansell 
W. G. Middleton 
J. V. Moon 
Fayette Martin 
N. A. Mendedhall 
Caleb McBryde 
J II. Moore 
J. P. Mullinax 
J. A. Norris 
J. B. Nichols 
F. R. Oldham 
A. C. Perry 


J. Reid 
J. E. Rudd 
M. Reynolds 
Geo. Small 
D. C. Stewart 



P. Smith 

J. P. Surratt 

R. Simpson 

S. L. Scott 

J. M. Steincipher 

Joe. Smith 

J. E. Sides 

C. Strotherl 

W. M. Simpson 
Jim Tubbs 
J. G. Titten 
M. Taylor 
A. F. Taylor 
J. M. Tillman 
Morgan Tillman 


W. Williams 
J. T. Woodall 
W. M. Woodford 
A. J. Knight 
W. H. Knight 
J. A. Knight 
Jno. A. Knight 

Benton, B. F., Capt.; 

killed at Gaines' Mill 
Price, F. B., 1st Lieut. 
Massey, J. C, 2d Lieut. 
Bates, B., 3d Lieut. 
Ardrey, T. A. 
Benton, Jesse 
Brown, J. O. 
Brandon, John 
Bennett, H. C. 
Brooks, Wm. 
Bryant, Wm. ; deserted 
Bryant, Sebe 
Bullock, Thad W. 
Burneman, Sam.; killed 

at Chattanooga 
Brandon, Joe 
Buckley, J. M. 
Coleman, Mason 
Cureton, Wm.; killed 
Crownsen, Jesse 
Connor, R. T. 


Chambers, Wm. ; killed 

at Gaines' Mill 
Coe, Wm.; killed 
Cureton, John 
Davis, G. W.; killed at 

Dunham, B. B. 
Davidson, W. R. 
Davidson, Tom B. 
Day, Steve 
Evans, Jim 


Elison, A. 
Drawhon, Monroe 

1st TEXAS 

Finley, Wm.; killed 

Fall, J. C. 

Fall, H. V. 

Forsythe, Lafayette 

Ford, H. H. 

Ford, John D. 

Gray, Wm. 


Houston, Mai. 

Housman, Jim. 

Hail, Jesse; killed at 

Hail, Joe J. 

Hail, Oscar 

Hooper, Sam. 

Howard, Wash. ; de- 

Haughton, John 

Hunt, T. C. 

Hanks, O. T. 

Harris, Tom. 

Haughton, P. 

Irvine, Tom. 

Jacobs, Matt. 

Lanier, Tom. 

Lain, Joe; killed at Mal- 
vern Hill. 

Lanier, Clem. 

Miller, Ned; killed 

McNally, Pat. ; deserted 

McLendon, Alf. 

Menefee, Geo. W. 

Menefee, Tatum 

Mason, Lafayette; killed 

Massey, J. V.; shot at 

Murphey, Tom. 

Moseley, Henry E. 

M.attox, Cicero 

Mayo, Lewis; killed at 
Gaines' Mill 


Matthews, Sim. 

McMahan, Charlie 

Norfolk, Jim. 

Noble, Ike 

Noble, R. T. 

Norvell, Tom. 

Patton, Henry 

Patton, Sam.; killed 

Patton, James 

Pool, Amos 

Peterson, S. M. 

Peterson, John 

Proceller, A. J. 

Price, Elijah 

Powell, Henry A. 

Pierce, Joe. 

Parker, Joe. 

Parker, John 

Quinn, Wm.; killed 

Ridley, Jim. 

Ronbro, David 

Ruddell, Ike 

Sowell, J. J. 

Sanders, John 

Strother, W. F. ; deserted 

Stallings, Jas. A. 

Sharp, Anderson ; de- 

Sharp, Marion; killed at 

Sherrod, R. 

Thomas, Oscar 



Tucker, F. H. 
Tucker, R. 
Wilson, J. N. 
Wilson, A. J. 

Wilson, W. J. White, Wm. 

Waterhouse, Jim.; killed Walker, 

Watson, Wm. H. Warford, Sam. 
White, Wm. T. Wade, 



Capt, A. C. McKeen; wounded El- 

tham's Landing 
1st Lieut., W. A. Bedell; wounded 

Sharpsburg and Wilderness 
2nd Lieut., J. C. Thompson; killed 

at Sharpsburg 
3rd Lieut., J. M. Baldwin; wounded 

Second Manassas 


1st Sergt, A. W. Smith 

2d Sergt., Robt. R. Armstrong; 

wounded at Chickamauga, killed at 

3d Sergt., W. F. Richardson 
4th Sergt., W. B. Robinson; wounded 

at Chickamauga 
1st Corp., A. F. Forsythe 
0d Corp., W. P. Randall; killed at 

Second Manassas 
3d Corp., R. S. Robinson; wounded 

at Malvern Hill , 

4th Corp., Geo. A. Branard; wounded 

at Knoxville 


Alsbrook, Joseph; wounded at 
Sharpsburg, killed at Chaffin's Farm 

Bowman, Joel; killed at Sharpsburg 

Buckley, E. C. 

Boiling, C. L. 

Blessing, S. T.; wounded at Sharps- 
burg and Darbytown 

Brandt, A.; wounded at Chicka- 

Baker, G. B. 

Brown, W. J.; wounded at Seven 
Points, killed at Gettysburg 

Brown, Joseph; killed at Eltham's 

Barber, W. J.; killed at Dundridge, 

Barnett, Thos. 

Burke, Daniel 

Cady, D. C. 

Cole, Fred; killed at Wilderness 

Clark, Samuel; wounded at Wilder- 

Crawford, E. C. 

Coffee, John; wounded at Eltham's 

Cummings, James; wounded at Get- 

Collins, M. E. 

Collins, James 

Carnes, Wm. E.; wounded at Chaf- 
fin's Farm 

Carpenter, S.; was killed at Sharps- 

Curtis, R. A.; wounded at Knoxville 
and Petersburg 

Dillon, John 

Delesdernier, F. L. 

Elmendorff, D.; wounded at Chicka- 

Farquar, A. M.; wounded at Gettys- 

Fralich, John; wounded at Chicka- 
mauga and Spottsylvania 

Frank, Jacob; killed at Sharpsburg 

Garity, M. 

Gearing, F. A. G. ; wounded at Wil- 

Gillis, J. P.; wounded at New Mar- 
ket Heights 

Hawkins, G. B.; wounded at Gaines' 

Hoskins, Wm. ; wounded at Sharps- 

Hagan, Charles 

Hanson, John; wounded at Sharps- 


Jones, A. W. ; wounded at Sharpsburg Schadt, Wm. ; wounded at Chica- 

Jackson, W. F. mauga and Wilderness 

Jackoliff, Robert; killed at Sharps- Schadt, Chas.; killed at Eltham's 

burg Landing 

Kelso, Aaron; killed at Darbytown Scott, A. J. 

Kingsley, Chas. H.; wounded at Scott, G. W. 

Sharpsburg and Chickamauga Stoddard, B. R. 

Lake, T. W. C. Smith, S. B.; wounded at Gaines' 
Leach, Wm. ; wounded at Chicka- Mill 

mauga Sable, Jack 

Lazarus, S. S.; wounded at Chicka- Stansberry, N. 

mauga Sims, S. D.; wounded at Eltham's 
Lewis, Jack; killed at Chickamauga Landing 

Merke, G. A. Shelton, W. A.; wounded at Seven 
Melhausen, T. A.; killed at Gettys- Pines 

burg Smith, J. M. ; wounded at Sharpsburg 

Murphy, J. W. ; wounded at Chicka- Southwick, J. W. ; killed at Gettys- 

mauga burg 

McCarty, T. L. Schultz, Henry; wounded at Wilder- 
McCarty, John; wounded at Wilder- ness 

ness Schmidt, Frank; wounded at Wilder- 
Mahoney, J. P. ness 

McCorqudale, E. A.; wounded at Starke, James 

Gettysburg Taylor, W. ; wounded at Gettysburg 

Nagle, James; wounded at Chicka- Thompson, L. A.; wounded at New 

mauga Market Heights 

Nagle, Joseph; wounded at Gaines' Townsend, L. 

Mill Von Hutton, W. B. 

Nicholson, John. Vidor, Chas. 

Nelson, John. Vandegraff, S. 

Poupot, John; killed at Gaines' Mill Worsham, Saml. 

Prater, Virgil Worsham, James. 

Pickett, John Waters, John; killed at Gettysburg 

Porter, W. H.; killed at Gettysburg Wakelee, A.; wounded at Darbytown 

Pratt, J. C. ; wounded at Chicka- Welsh, James; wounded at Sharps- 

mauga burg and Wilderness 

Rourcke, Jas. O. ; wounded at Sharps- Wood, A. W. ; wounded at Chicka- 

burg mauga and Knoxville 

Rourcke, Noah Williams, Chas. 

Robinson, W. M. Wagner, M. L. 

Rogers, Geo. Young, Wm. 

Shepherd, W. G. ; wounded at Chicka- Zimmerman, Wm. ; killed at Sharps- 

mauga burg 


now living Sebastian Domino 

Captain, W. J. Towns i George Lock 

D. H. Hamilton James Jones 



Wm. Blackshear 
Sam Stuberfield 
Wm. Roach 
Jas. White 
George Lundy 


Sam Watson 
Dick Bennett 
Cecil Wagner 
M. A. Dunham 
John Wilson 
Jos. McMinn 
Robert Capps 
Wm. Forsythe 
Elijah I very 
J. Watter 
Marion Burke 
George Bowers 
Wm. Goodson 
Crockett Dunlap 
Reason Hutto 
John Steward 
Ephraim Dial 
John Ballamy 
John Polk 
I. D. Lovett 
Willis B. Tullos 
Harvey Pinson 
Wm. Sylvester 
Wm. Moore 
John Blacksnear 
Captain Ballinger 
J. H. Hawthorne 

Jas. Hawthorne 
Isaac Wright 
Richard Strawther 
Buck Strawther 
Zeb McClain 
Thos. Peavy 


Harvey Newman, Presley Brownlee, 
John Harrell, John Hutto, John 
Hood, Arch Davis, Joseph Barley, 
Jas. Hughes, Warner Jones, Sam 
Chamberger, John Henderson, Thos. 
Henderson, Henry Sweat, Robert 
Mclntyre, Robt. Ferry, George Wag- 
ner, Wm. Rogers, Newton Lundy, 
Dr. Wallace, Wm. Vick, Jas. Hines, 
E. McMinn, J. Lancaster, Wm. Mar- 
tin, Jas. Stanler, Wm. Johnson, Jas. 


At Second Manassas, Willis Read- 
ing; at Sharpsburg, Lieut. Sanford, 
Shade Boach, Jeff Bowman, Jas. 
Story, Chas. Stewart and Joshua 
Boon; at Wilderness, James Martin, 
Green Morgan, Wade Turner and 
Oliver McBryde; at Chickamauga, 
Lieut. Sissell, Jack Adams, George 
Oglesby, John Stephens, Joseph Rat- 
cliffe; at Siege of Petersburg, W. C. 
Evans, J. M. Motes and J. B. Eaves. 


Dr. J. C. Jones, Surgeon 

J. C. G. Key, Capt. of Co. A.; 

S. H. Darden, 1st Lieut. 

J. H. McCain, 2d Lieut. 

Bomer, R., 3d Lieut.; killed at Wil- 

H. Merchant, 1st Sergt. 

G. E. Lynch, 2d Sergt.; wounded 

L. John Adam; wounded at Seven 
Days' Battle 

M. H. Alice; wounded 
W. W. Brown; killed June 17, 1864 
A. P. Brown; killed at Gaines' Mill 
R. G. Barton; wounded at Gaines' 

S. Baker 
R. Bostic 

W. Cavett; lost a leg at Gettysburg 
J. Cox 
J. Clark 
C. Kerthadly 



C. McCathern 

P. McCalister 

J. Colwell 

J. W. Deel; wounded at Gaines' Mill 

P. Deel 

S. A. Drenan; killed at Chickamauga 

J. Dering 

M. C. Dagle; deserted 

W. Dwight 

J. Dickerson; killed at Wilderness 

J. Drenan 

W. Eldridge; wounded at Gaines' 

J. Futch 
A. Futch 
Ed. M. Francis, Color Sergt.; killed 

at Chickamauga 
W. Francis 
F. Fletcher 
J. Fields 
F. Finley 
J. Grose 
J. Grundy 

Goldsticker; killed at Gettys- 

H. Gunn 
J. Haggerty, Jr. 

John Hopkins; wounded at Second 


A. Hilard; wounded at Gaines' Mill 

W. Harrison 

W. Hall 

R. Hammon; killed at Sharpsburg 

V. Garth; killed at Gettysburg 

A. Jones 

R. Jones 

W. Johnson 

J. Jones 

L. Dement 

H. Kerr 

J. H. Key; wounded at Gaines' Mill 

H. Key 

R. Lockridge; wounded at Gaines' 

T. Lyle; wounded at Gaines' Mill 
C. Lankster; killed at Petersburg 
W. D. Mooney; wounded 
T. H. Munford; wounded 

S. Mooney 

C. H. Munce; wounded 
A. Martin 

J. Melhorn 

A. R. Melhorn; killed at Gaines' Mill 

D. McDaniel; killed at Chickamauga 
J. Murphy; wounded at Gaines' Mill 
Chas. Moned; wounded at Gaines' 

J. McCarty; wounded at Gaines' Mill 
Sergt. Geo. E. Lynch; wounded at 

Second Manassas 
D. Martindale; killed at Sharpsburg 
F. Natians; killed at Gettysburg 
R. Natians; deserted 
H. Owens 
W. Pitman 
H. Pangle 
R. Stamps 
J. Stringfield; wounded 

D. Strong; wounded 

Scanlon; killed at Wilderness 

J. Simson 

P. Chadoin 

L. Chadoin 

H. Stegall 

J. A. Surrett; wounded at Gaines' 

W. H. Stanfield; wounded at Gaines' 

T. Simons 

R. W. Thomas, Sergt.; wounded at 
Second Manassas 

T. J. Thomas, Sergt. ; killed at Second 

F. Thomson 

T. Vann; wounded at Second Ma- 

Q. Van; wounded at Second Manassas 

W. Walker 

E. R. Walker; wounded at Second 


J. A. Woods; wounded at Gaines' 


B. Terrell 

T. B. Stanfield; wounded at Second 





B. F. Carter, Captain; promoted to 
Lieut.-Colonel July 10, 1862, mor- 
tally wounded at Gettysburg July 
2, 1863 

Wm. C. Walsh, First Lieutenant; pro- 
moted to Captain July 10, 1862, was 
permanently disabled at Gaines' 
Mill and since the war has served 
eight years as Commissioner of 
General Land Office 

James T. McLaurin, Second Lieuten- 
ant; promoted to Captain 

Robert J. Lambert, Third Lieuten- 
ant; mortally wounded at Gaines' 

Frank L. Price, First Sergeant; pro- 
moted to Adjutancy of regiment 

Oliver Flusser, Second Sergeant; 
killed at Sharpsburg Sept. IT, 1862 

M. C. McAnelly, Third Sergeant; 
killed at Second Manassas 

T. W. Masterson, Fourth Sergeant; 
promoted to Lieutenant 

John T. Price, Fifth Sergeant; pro- 
moted to Lieutenant 

Niles Fawcett, First Corporal; killed 
at Second Manassas 

M. T. Norris, Second Corporal; killed 
at Gettysburg 

Stephen H. Burnham, Third Cor- 
poral; killed at Second Manassas 

Robt. H. Clements; wounded 1862', 
Fourth Corporal, died at Confed- 
erate Home in 1899 


Adams, A. M. 
Adams, Lee 

Black, Lem; killed in Virginia, 1863 
Blakey, Hart G.; killed at Sharps- 
Bonner, Bud. 
Bonner, Cal. 
Bonner, Wash. 
Burdett, Thomas P. 

Burdett, Mike 

Burdett, Wm. E. 

Burnham, Frank 

Burk, J.; permanently disabled at 
the Wilderness 

Buchner, C. A. 

Callaghan, John; killed at Sharps- 

Calhoun, Wm. C. ; wounded at Seven 

Campbell, A. C. 

Carpenter, W. G.; wounded in 1864 

Cater, Thos. E. 

Caton, W. H.; disabled by wounds in 

Chandler, W. M. 

Colvin, Garland; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and Gettysburg 

Cooper, Sam.; wounded in 1863 

Cooke, " Pet " ; severely wounded at 

Cox, Louis B.; wounded in 1864 

Crozier, Granville H. ; wounded at 
Gaines' Mill and Second Manassas 

Donahue, John 

Davige, Robert A. 

Dearing, Jas. H.; one of Longstreet's 
sharpshooters, killed in 1864 

Dohme, C. A. 

Dunkin, G. W.; died in 1862 of 
wounds received at Second Ma- 

Dunson, J. K. P.; wounded in 1862 

Durfee, A. A.; wounded in 1864 

Falls, J.; killed in Virginia in 1862 

Flanikin, Wm. J.; wounded in 1864 

Ford, Wm. F.; promoted Lieutenant, 
wounded in 1863 

Foster, Wm. K. 

Freeman, Pony 

Freeman, C. L.; wounded at Gaines' 

Fawcett, B. K.; disabled at Sharps- 

Giles, Val C; wounded at Gaines' 

Gregg, Alex. 



Girand, F. W. 

Glasscock, Thos. A. 

Gould, Uriah 

George, M. A.; lost an arm at the 

Grumbles, Perry; promoted Sergeant, 

killed at Gettysburg 
Griffith, John 
Hamilton, H. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Hamby, Wm. R.; wounded at Second 

Manassas, disabled at Sharpsburg 
Hamilton, S. W. 
Haralson, Chas. L. 
Hawthorne, A. J. 
Horton, W. H. 
Haynes, J. J. 
Henderson, J. B.; wounded once in 

Hill, L. D. 

Hoffler, G. W.; killed at Sharpsburg 
Holden, D. W. 
Hopson, Briggs W. ; wounded at 

Gaines' Mill 
Howard, Ball; killed at Sharpsburg 
Howard, Jeff. 
Hughes, J. J. 
Horn, F. 

Herbert, Wm. ; wounded in 1863 
Jones, A. C. 

Jones, Etanial; killed in 1863 
Jones, Joe E.; wounded in 1863 
Jones, J. K. P. ; killed at Chickamauga 
Keller, Wm. A.; lost an arm at 

Gaines' Mill 
Keller, J. H. 

Lessing, Wm. H.; permanently dis- 
abled at Sharpsburg 
Lightfoot, W. H. 
Luckett, Alfred T.; wounded at 

Maier, H.; killed at Sharpsburg 
Marcham, R. 
Mayfield, Newton W. ; wounded in 

Mayfield, Eph. 
Minor, Arthur 
McGee, Jno. F. ; wounded at Second 

Manassas and Sharpsburg 

McMath, M. W. 

McMullin, Barney 

McPhaul, C. M. 

Masterson, A. B.; wounded at Get- 

Millican, Ed. H. 

Mosely, Sidney E. ; lost right leg in 
battle in 1864 

Moss, Wm. V. 

Morris, Charles L. ; killed at Knox- 

Neuendorff, Max; wounded and dis- 
charged in 1862 

Nichols, A. W.; wounded at Seven 

Nichols, Geo. W.; wounded at Second 
Manassas, killed at Chickamauga 

Piper, Wm. L. ; wounded at Second 
Manassas and Sharpsburg, dis- 

Plagge, C. 

Puckett, Lim. 

Railey, J. D. ; wounded in 1862 

Rice, A. R. 

Roberts, A. S.; wounded at Second 

Robertson, Geo. L.; wounded at 
Gaines' Mill, disabled at Sharps- 

Robertson, Robert R. ; wounded in 

Rose, Geo. W. 

Rushton, Chas. H.; wounded at 
Gaines' Mill and Second Manassas 

Rust, Robt. S.; seriously wounded 
and disabled at Sharpsburg 

Ripetoe, James 

Stone, S. T. ; disabled at Chicamauga 

Strohmer, Frank; wounded once 

Summers, Jno. S. ; killed at Gaines' 

Schuler, John; seriously wounded at 
Gaines' Mill 

Stein, Isaac; lost an arm at Second 

Sheppard, J. L. 

Tannehill, Wm. J.; wounded at 
Gaines' Mill 

Teague, S. P.; wounded in 1862 


Tatum, J, M. ; killed in Virginia in Wright, Jas. A.; wounded in 1862 

1863 Woodward, Logan 

Thomas, Jas. H.; killed at Second Whitesides, H. A.; disabled at the 

Manassas Wilderness 

Thomas, Mark; wounded at Gaines' Wright, Peyton A. 

Mill and Second Manassas Price, John; a negro who followed 

Todd, D. A.; wounded in 1862 his master, Lieut. John T. Price, 

Wheeler, Jno. G. ; lost arm at Dar- into the service. He was faithful 

bytown to the end, and after the war voted 

White, J. A.; wounded and died always with the Democrats of the 

Wilson, Sam. C. ; wounded at Gaines' State. He is now dead 



Townsend, W. P., Captain; promoted Barziza, P. J.; wounded at Sharps- 

to Major, lost foot at Manassas burg 

Barziza, D. U., 1st Lieut.; wounded Brown, P. A.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

at Gettysburg Barton, Lem; lost right arm at 

Turner, B. F., 2d Lieut. Sharpsburg 

Wood, P. S., 3d Lieut.; mortally Barton, John; lost right arm at 

wounded at Gaines' Mill Sharpsburg 

Grizzle, J. P., 1st Sergt.; elected Barton, Frank; wounded at Gaines' 

Lieut., killed at Darbytown Mill and Chickamauga 

Davis, H. W., 2d Sergt.; wounded at Bailey, W. L.; wounded at Gaines' 

Gettysburg Mill 

Roberts, J. C, 3d Sergt.; lost arm at Burns, Joe 

Gaines' Mill Butler, 

Galloway, J. L, 4th Sergt.; lost leg Beavers, T. B.; wounded at Gaines' 

at Second Manassas Mill and killed at Wilderness 

Simmons, J. H., 5th Sergt.; killed at Beavers, M. ; wounded at Gettysburg 

Chickamauga Blackburn, Green; killed at Wil- 

Streetman, A. P., 1st Corp.; killed at derness 

Gaines' Mill Boyd, J. B.; elected Lieut., wounded 

Livingston, M. L., 2d Corp., Lieut., at Wilderness and before Rich- 

and Captain; wounded at Chicka- mond 

mauga and Gettysburg Cosgrove, J. H.; wounded at Wilder- 
Hill, J. W. M. P., 3d Corp. ; lost arm ness 

at Gaines' Mill Corley, Wilks; killed at Petersburg 

Adams, J. O., 4th Corp. ; killed at Chambers, G. J. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

Malvern Hill Coe, E. N. 

Drennan, J. H. ; wounded at Gaines' 
privates M . u and Cold Harbor 

Adams, J. M. ; wounded at Wilderness Drake, J. H. 

Acruse, P.; disabled at Wilderness Davis, Louis 

Alexander, W. J. ; wounded at Sharps- Davidson, Riley, killed at Sharpsburg 
bur g Easter, M. L.; killed at the Wilder- 
Alexander, ; killed at Sharps- ness 

bur g Eddington, H. F.; killed at Darby- 

Allday, Peter town 


Elder, Geo. Moore, R. E. ; wounded at Peters- 
Field, F. L.; killed at Gettysburg burg 

Foster, H.; lost right arm at Gaines' Moore, M. C; killed at Petersburg 

Mill Marsh, Joe. 

Foster, R.; wounded at Malvern Hill Norwood, Alexander; killed at the 
Frost, H.; mortally wounded at the Wilderness 

Wilderness Noble, Jas. 

Griffin, J. H. ; killed at Chickamauga Norton, W.; killed at Chickamauga 

Garrett, J. M. Olive, J.; killed at Sharpsburg 

Goodman, J.; wounded at Gaines' Rutherford, Robt. 

Mill and Wilderness Reese, W. ; killed at Chickamauga 

Gillmore, Harry Robertson, J. R. ; killed at Gaines' 
Gear, W. E. Mill 

Gary, W. Robertson, Frank 

Hearne, William Robertson, B. 

Herndon, Jacob; killed at Gettys- Rymes, B. W. 

burg Reed, Ashley 

S. J. Mitchell; wounded at Chicka- Ray, Y. B. 

mauga Smith, J. A.; mortally wounded at 
Herndon, Ed. Chickamauga 

Herndon, A.; killed at Petersburg Smiley, W. J.; killed at Gaines, Mill 

Hunter, W. R.; killed at Gaines' Mill Smiley, J. R.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Henderson, J. S. ; killed in battle Smiley, J.; wounded at Wilderness 

Hamman, W. H. Sneed, J. W. ; wounded at Gaines' 
Hixson, G. M.; killed at Darbytown Mill 

Hyson, ; killed at Petersburg Steele, W. C. 

Haynes, Richard Tindall, O. H. ; lost foot at Wilder- 
Harris, Bazley ness 

Jones, D. C. Talbot, Y. O. 

Jones, W. A. Tolbot, Augustus 

Jones, J. J.; killed at Chickamauga Vaughn, P. H. 

January, Jno. Vandusen, H.; wounded at Gettys- 
Kirk, W. S.; killed at Second burg 

Manassas Wood, Bennett, wounded at Gaines' 
Kensey, D.; killed at Chickamauga Mill, Second Manassas and Wilder- 

Keith, L. D. ; wounded at Richmond ness 

Livingston, Jesse; wounded at Second Wood, E. O.; wounded at Second Ma- 

Manassas and Gettysburg nassas, killed at Chickamauga 

Lofton, Silas Wood, J. 

Love, Ogle Webster, E,; wounded before Rich- 
Montgomery, Whit.; wounded at mond in 1864 

Spottsylvania Court House Wilson, J. M.; killed Second M|a- 
Marshall, W. W. ; lost arm at Gaines' nassas 

Mill Wilkins, E. 

Marshall, Ben Whiddon, W. G.; killed at Second 
Marshall, W. H. Manassas 

Merriman, B. F.; wounded at Gaines' Wells, Lou 

Mill and Wilderness Roberts, J. C. 

McClinton, Jas.; killed in battle McVoiman, B. F. 




Bane, Jno. P.; Capt., promoted to 
Col.; wounded at Gaines' Mill 

Martin, Chas.; 1st Lieut. 

Holloman, T. H.; 2nd Lieut.; killed at 
Gaines' Mill 

Duggan, Ed.; 3rd Lieut. 

Davis, Robt. ; 1st Sergt. 

Jeffries, Dudley; 2nd Sergt.; and 1st 
Lieut., wounded at Second Manas- 

Jefferson, John R. ; 3rd Sergt.; 
wounded at Manassas 

Patterson, Jas.; 4th Sergt. 

Wipprecht, Chas.; 5th Sergt. 

Dibrell, Jno.; 1st Corp. 

Wilson, Alex. A.; 2nd Corp.; pro- 
moted to Adjt. ; wounded twice 

Hudgins, Meek; 3rd Corp. 

Smith, W. Pitt; 4th Corp. 

Armstrong, D. H. 

Allen, Adolphus 

Aikin, Wm, ; killed in battle, think 

Anderson, Chas. 

Baker, Jno. W.; wounded at Wilder- 

Baker, Joseph 

Butler, Geo.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Butler, Jas.; killed at Gettysburg 

Burges, W. H. ; wounded at Sharps- 

Burges, R. J. (Dick) ; wounded at 

Burges, Robt. A.; wounded at Wil- 

Burges, Gid. 

Calvert, Lott; wounded at Gaines' 

Cabiness, Thos. 

Cody, E. J.; killed at Chickamauga 

Cox, Thos.; wounded at Gaines' Mill 

Campbell, Jas.; killed at Chickamauga 

Courtney, Seymour; deserted 

Davis, Wm. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

Davis, Robt. 

Davidson, — ; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Daniel, Jack 

Duare, Alex.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Dimmitt, Jas.; wounded at Sharps- 

Dimmitt, Nap.; wounded at Gaines' 

Dimmitt, Alamo 

Dunn, M. S.; wounded at Gaines' 

Dibrell, Chas. 

Ewing, Thos.; wounded at Gaines' 

Ewing, Finis 

Erskine, A. N. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

Erskine, A. M. ; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and Sharpsburg 

Ehringhans, W. F. H. 

Franks, R. H. (Hat) ; promoted to 
Lieut, and Captain, wounded at 

Fennell, Isham; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and died 

Flores, Manuel 

George Moses 

Gregory, Jno. 

Green, W. S.; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill, killed at Gettysburg 

Gordon, Alonzo; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and died 

Glazier, Fritz; killed at Gettysburg 

Glazier, Julius; wounded at Chicka- 

Harmon, Wm. 

Harmon, Zack 

Herron, Andrew; killed at Gettys- 

Herron, Jas. 

Harris, Wm. ; wounded at Cold Har- 
bor and Spottsylvania Court House 

Hudgins, Geo. 

Hadges, Geo. A.; wounded at Gettys- 
burg and Wilderness 

Holmes, J. F. N. 

Henry, Arch.; deserted 

Jordan, P. E. 

Jefferson, Thos. 


Jefferson, Rutledge, Osborne; deserted 

Johnson, Ig.; promoted to Lieut.; Russell, Wm. 

killed at Manassas Rhodes, R. A.; wounded at Ma- 
Jones, S. A.; wounded at Gaines' nassas 

Mill and Chickamauga Reich, Cornelius; promoted to 1st 

Jones, R. H.; wounded at Ma- Lieut.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

nassas Redus, Wm. 

Knight, Geo.; promoted to Captain, Rogers, Jno. 

dead Rogers, Mike 

Le Gette, Jesse; served to Second Reeves, J. R. (Rankin) 

Manassas, discharged Shuniate, Wm. ; killed at the Wilder- 

Longstreet, Geo.; wounded at Gettys- ness 

burg Smith, Jno. 

Lackey, R. J.; wounded at Gaines' Smith, Jack, D. 

Mill and died Smith, Paris, wounded at Gaines' 

Lewis, Chas. Mill and Wilderness 

Leonard, Asa; wonded in battle Smith, M. V. (Pony); wounded at 

Lynch, Thos.; (Laplander) Sharpsburg, Chickamauga and 

Little, G. W. (Ben) ; wounded at Gettysburg 

Gaines' Mill Smith, Thos. 

McClaugherty, W. H.; promoted to Smith, Ezekiel 

Captain, wounded at Wilderness Saunders, Frank; wounded at Gettys- 

McNeely, Jul. burg 

Means, Reub. Smith, Wm. 

Merriwether, Thos.; wounded at Sanders, Geo. 

Fort Gilmore Sanders, Stewart 

Maddox, Levi Singleterry, Jno. U. 

Millet, Leonidas; killed at Gaines' Wilson, Wm. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Mill Mill 

Mitchell, . Watson, Thos. 

Manning, Merret; killed at Wilder- Schmidt, Baltzer 

ness Woods, A. H.; promoted to Lieut.; 

Mays, Nelson; killed at Gettysburg killed at Chickamauga 

Morison, Robt. Whitehead, Jas. ; killed at Manassas 

Miller, M. E.; wounded at Gaines' White, Jas. M. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Mill Mill and in some other fight 

Park, Dr. Robt. White, J. M.; No 2 

Park, Thos.; wounded at Gaines' White, Fred 

Mill and died Young, Jno.; wounded at Gaines' 

Parent, E. J. Mill 

Pierce, Aaron; killed at Gaines' Mill Yeaker, ; deserted 


Ryan, E. D.; Captain Billingsley, J. C; 3d Smith, J. C; 2d Sergt, 
Brandon, J. M.; 1st Lieut. Ripley, P. M.; 3d Sergt.; 

Lieut. Killingsworth, A.; 1st now living 

Sublett, D. L.; 2d Lieut. Sergt. 



i».CL7L/TK^::£&£B3W3' _ ™< ^"Z-^fciaJEC a 

Dunklin, W. W.; 4th 

Dean, R. S.; 5th Sergt. 
Majors, J. B.; 1st Corp. 
Young, B.; 2d Corp. 
Walters, A. J.; 3d Corp. 
Long, J. H.; 4th Corp. 


Ashmead, G. L. 
Aycock, B. L.; now 

Blocker, J. C. 
Billingsley, S. J. 
Bible, Noah 
Bible, Phil. C. 
Burton, W. H. P.; now 

Clark, J. E. 
Clark, J. B. 
Cowden, W. B. 
Chenault, G. N. 
Chambers, S. H. 
Chapman, J. B. 
Dunklin, T. L. 
Duncan, W. E. 
Donally, H. M. 
Decherd, A. P. 
Decherd, D. M. 
Delk, W. G. 
Edwards, B. G. 
Fitzhugh, D. C. 
Freeman, R. L. 
Fossett, Sam 
Green, Geo. 

Good, D. J. 
Hunt, J. F. 
Holloway, L. D. 
Hirst, T. D. 
Hughes, Josiah 
Harrington, J. A. 
Harrison, J. H. 
Hicks, W. M. 
Hicks, H. K. 
Holden, J. W. 
Hannah, W. 
Hill, Eldon 
Irven, W. H. 
Johnson, J. W. 
Johnson, John 
Jones, R. M. 
Lehman, Joe 
Loyd, W. J. 
Leonard, R. H. 
Manahan, J. H. 
Makeig, T. M. 
Miller, T. D. 
Mullens, C. 
Mullens, T. M. ; 

Mullens, W. T. 
Morgan, A. B. 
Madden, C. P. 
Moor, N. P. 
McGee, Green 
Norwood, T. L. 
Famplin, W. A. 
Peters, L. C. 
Ross, W. M. 
Robinson, J. A. 

Robinson, S. A. 
Robinson, James 
Robinson, W. S. 
Reed, J. C. 
Rogers, W. D. 
Rogers, H. B. 
Rogers, J. L. 
Roberts, Abner 
Ragsdale, J. B. 
Rotan, W. T. 
Ramsey, (perhaps F.) 
Ripley, N. N. 
Selman, T. J. 
Sandefur, L. G. 
Smith, J. S. 
Smith, Joe. S. 
Sharp, E. C. 
Taylor, G. M. 
Terry, J. C. 
Tilley, Ed. 
Umberson, R. W. 
West, John C. 
Wideman, C. A. 
now Williams, T. D. 
Willis, J. B. 
Wollard, Andy; now liv- 
Worsham, E. L. 
Worsham, J. N. 
Worsham C. G. 
Wilson, G. H. 
Way, C. B.; now living 
Whitehead, C. M. 
Young, T. H. 


Ed. H. Cunningham, Captain — After 

Sharpsburg, went on Hood's staff 
John F. Brooks; First Lieutenant — 

Disabled at Gaines' Mill 
L. P. Hughes; Second Lieutenant — 

Lost arm at Sharpsburg 
L. P. Lyons; Third Lieutenant — 

Killed at Gaines' Mill 
Haywood Brahan; Orderly Sergeant 

— later Lieutenant — wounded at 


Chas. S. Brown; Second Sergeant — 
Sergeant-Major. Killed at Wil- 

John D. Murray; Third Sergeant — 
Often wounded, but stuck 

Eli Park; Fourth Sergeant — Lieu- 
tenant. Killed at New Market 
Heights i 

W. A. Bennett; Fifth Sergeant 

R. H. Skinner; First Corporal — Dis- 
abled at Sharpsburg 


Daniel M. McAlister; Second Cor- Givens, Win.; disabled at Chick- 

poral — Mortally wounded at Gaines' amauga 

Mill Goodloe, Calvin 

E. T. Kindred; Third Corporal— Lieu- Goodloe, Wm. P. 

tanant and Captain Goodwin, Benj. 

Charles A. McAlister; Fourth Cor- Graham, J. C. ; wounded early in war 

poral — wounded at Gaines' Mill Green, W. A.; disabled at Gaines' 


privates Hahn, Ferdinand; wounded, dis- 
Adams, J. T. abled 

Abbott, H. G. Harbour, C. 

Alford, James Hardoin, A. ; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Allen, George; lost arm at Second Hardoin, S. 

Manassas King, W. R. 

Aylmer, G. G. ; disabled at Gaines' Harwell, J. H.; disabled at Gaines' 

Mill Mill 

Brown, Ossawatomie Henderson, C. F. ; killed at Gaines' 
Bedell, A. M. Mill 

Brantley, J. E. Henderson, B. G.; killed at Sharps- 

Breckenridge, burg 

Brieger, J. G. Hollander, W. M. ; disabled at Gaines' 

Buchanan, L. Mill 

Brooks, Cincinnatus Houston, Russell 

Camp, T. P. Howard, Russell 

Cohea, A. T. ; wounded and died at Johnson, J. N. 

the Wilderness Johnson, W. C. ; disabled at Chick- 
Cook, John amauga 

Cunningham, Thos. ; died of wounds Jones, A. R. 

received at Gaines' Mill Jones, Wm. 

Copeland, Sol.; killed at the Wilder- Kahr, N. ; killed at Gaines' Mill 

ness , Kindred, J. B. 

Crigler, R. T. ; later Lieutenant. Dis- Kindred, John; killed at Gaines' Mill 

abled at Wilderness Kindred, Clay; killed at Sharpsburg 

Campbell, John Kindred, J. P. 

Clark, Joseph Koolbeck, G.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Currie, J. B.; lost a leg at Chick- Love, J. P.; killed at Sharpsburg 

amauga Meisner, Ed 

Crockett, E. R. Maus, Peter; wounded at Gaines' 
Dansby, Harrison Mill 

Dial, Augustus A.; disabled at McCann, T. J.; wounded at Gaines' 

Gaines' Mill Mill 

Downing, Ed.; killed at Gaines' Mill Mayfield, Jas.; killed at Knoxville, 
Dreyer, H. Tenn. 

Dunn, W. H. Menifee, Q. M.; lost leg at Sharps- 
Fishburn, J. A. burg and discharged, 

Elliot, John Menger, Oscar; disabled at Gaines' 
Floyd, William F.; killed at Gettys- Mill 

burg Morris, Wm. 

Gabbert, H. H. Murray, J. C. ; killed at Gettysburg 


Murray, R. W.; lost leg at Wilder- Smith, Albert 

ness Sneed, Albert; disabled at Second 

Pengra, M. M.; disabled at Gettys- Manassas 

burg Sullivan, R. A.; killed at Gaines' 

Penn, Pat.; killed in picket skirmish Mill 

Sept. 29, 1864 Summerville, Jas.; lost arm at the 

Penn, Abe; disabled at Chickamauga Wilderness 

Pickett, M.; killed at Gaines' Mill Sutherland, Jack; later Adjutant, 

Pogue, L. S. disabled at Darbytown 

Polley, J. B.; lost a foot at Darby- Thornton, H. G. 

town Webber, S. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

Quick, Jacob; wounded somewhere Wallace, E. F. 

Riggs, John; killed at the Wilderness Weir, Henry 

Roberts, John Wiseman, Jas. O. 

Rumley, J. J.; wounded and retired Wolff, S.; killed at Second Manassas 

Sampson, Ed. J.; killed at Gaines' Wood, G. W.; wounded in 1863 

Mill Maddox, John 

Schweitzer, Geo. ; wounded and retired Crenshaw, M. 

Selp, M. M. | Naurath, Wm. 

Sargeant, A. H.; wounded, retired Dockstadder, Oscar 

Smith, Henry; wounded at Sharps- Veal, Frank 

burg and retired Warner, Chas. 


Adkinson, John J., Lieut.; wounded Blackshear, Robt. D. ; wounded at 

Adams, Sam H. Sharpsburg and Spottsylvania 

Aikens, James O. ; wounded Court House 

Allen, W. J. Blackshear, Jas. J., Sergt. ; wounded 

Arnett, David Blackshear, Duncan R. ; wounded 

Bassett, Robert H.; Lieut, and Adjt. twice 

of the regiment; disabled at Chick- Blackshear, E. T. 

amauga Boozer, H. D. 

Bessett, Noah H. ; wounded, died in Bookman, J. M. (Bob), Lieut.; 

Texas killed at Chickamauga 

Barry, Wm. E., Lieut.; disabled at Butts, Lewis D., Lieut.; killed at 

the Wilderness Gaines' Mill 
Barry, L. Howard, O. Sergt.; was Buffington, Tom C, Lieut, and Cap- 
wounded several times tain 
Barry, John D.; killed at Chicka- Brietz, A. C, Ordnance Sergt.; 

mauga wounded at Wilderness 

Barry, Thos. W. Bowen, Allen 

Baines, Thos. W., Sergt. Chambers, G. C; killed at Sharpsburg 
Baines, Wm. M. Churchwell, Thomas; killed at Chick- 
Barnes, John T. amauga 
Baker, Jesse W., Lieut. Carley, Martin F. 
Barker, James, Scout Closs, T. O. ; killed at Gettysburg 
Beecher, R. A., O. Sergt.; killed at Chatham, Wm. B.; wounded at Wil- 

Gettysburg derness 



Cruse, A. J.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Cotton, H. T. 

Collins, Daniel; Chief Bugler from 
commencement to Appomattox, dead 

Cook, J. J. 

Dance, John T. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Dawkins, F. A. 

Damm, Frank; wounded at Gettys- 

Davis, Ed. C. 

Daffan, Lawrence A. 

Davis, John A. 

Dunham, Jas. H., Lieut. 

Duke, Joseph G.; mortally wounded 
at Chickamauga 

Eckolls, Wm. R. A.; lost an arm at 
Gaines' Mill 

Ferrell, Davis S. ; killed at Gettysburg 

Finley, J. R. 

Fields, Drury H. 

Floyd, Chas. E. 

Floyd, Wm. 

Flournoy, Jas. J.; wounded at 
Gaines' Mill 

Gay, G. A.; disabled at Gaines' Mill 

Gould, Jas. L., Sergt. ; mortally 
wounded at Gettysburg 

Green, John E. ; killed at Gettysburg 

Griffin, David C. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Grissett, Wm. J., Com. Sergt. 

Giles, Jas. J. 

Giles, E. D. 

Giles, P. L. 

Giles, Dan 

Haddon, Mack E.; killed at Second 

Harrison, M. M. (Smoky) 

Hasson, Robert; lost leg at Darby- 

Helmer, Edward 

Hadon, Jas. J. 

Hiett, J. W. 

Heyman, George 

Hubbell, N. L. 

Hughes, W. T. 

Hutcheson, J. W., first Captain of 
Company G; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Jackson, Isaac 

Jackson, Job; lost leg at Sharpsburg 

Jones, W. S. ; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Jones, N. B. 

Jones, Geo. W. 

Jones, I. Newton '' 

Kay, Eli 

Kennard, A. Drew 

Kendall, J. L. 

King, Jno. H. 

Lawrence, Groce; killed at Wilder- 

Livingston, A. 

Loggins, Dr. Jas. C; lives at Ennes, 

Loper, Wm. ; deserted 

Martin, Wm. A. 

Martin, Jno. F., Sergt. 

May, J. W. T., Color Guard ; wounded 
at Second Manassas 

McCowen, John; killed at Chicka- 

McDaniel, Ben H. 

McClenny, Wm.; killed at Wilder- 

McGregor, Wm. B. 

Midkiff, E. P.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Midkiff, J. A.; wounded at Wilder- 
ness I 

Montgomery, Joseph 

Moss, George R. 

Mooring, Chas. G. ; wounded several 

Mooring, J. S. (Bob) ; wounded at 
Wilderness, disabled 

Muldrew, Jno. T. 

Muse, Jas. T. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Nix, John L.; wounded at Gettys- 

Nelms, Everard P.; wounded at 
Gaines' Mill 

Nettles, Joseph H. 

Neal, French 

Pearce, Ben. W.; wounded at Sharps- 

Pearce, Ed. W.; lost hand at Gaines' 

Parnell, Jas. C. 



Patterson, Wm. R. 

Peteet, W. B. 

Peteet, J. Monroe; wounded at 

Gaines' Mill 
Pinckney, Jno. M. ; wounded several 

Pinckney, Richard H.; youngest sol- 
dier in regiment 
Plaster, Joseph H. ; wounded at 

Gaines' Mill and Wilderness 
Plaster, Frank 

Quails, George S. ; Color Corporal 
Reynolds, J. S. 
Rogerson, John; killed at Gaines' 

Roach, John, Lieut.; killed 
Roco, A. C. 
Rowe, H. T. 
Robinson, John 
Stacey, John J., Color Corporal; 

wounded at Gettysburg 
Scott, J. B. ; killed at Gaines' Mill 
Scott, Garrett; killed at Sharpsburg 
Schultz, W. A. 
Shaffer, Henry E. 
Smith, W. H. 
Silverbaugh, A.; killed at Chicka- 

Spencer, Chas. W. ; mortally wounded 

at Eltham's Landing 
Stewart, A. Jackson; wounded at 


Stacey, Willis A.; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and Wilderness 

Terrell, E. Tom., Asst. Surgeon 

Terrell, Wm. H. 

Tidwell, Wm. C. 

Thomas, J. W. (Gotch) 

Trant, John; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and killed at Sharpsburg 

Turner, Jasper 

Tierner, Wesley 

Wilson, Walter S. ; wounded at Sec- 
ond Manassas 

Watson, A. E. 

Webb, Frank X. 

Whitehurst, J. K. 

W T hite Mathew D. 

White, Caleb; was killed at Gaines' 

Whitesides, A. Hoxcey; captured at 
Gettysburg and drowned in effort 
to escape 

Whitlock, A. T. 

Williams, Henry F. 

Williams, Jas. J.; wounded at Gaines' 

Wood, Dan A.; wounded several 

Ward, Chas. H. 

Womack, M. S. ; captured at Gettys- 

Wood, Rufus H., Sergt. 

Wallingford, T. G. ; litter bearer 

Captain, P. P. Porter; killed at 5th Sergt., J. W. Lawrence 

Gaines' Mill 
1st. Lieut., James T. Hunter; was 

wounded often 
2d Lieut., Tom M. Owens; killed at 

Gaines' Mill 
3d Lieut., Benton Randolph; dis- 

lst Corp., H. T. Sapp; wounded at 

Eltham's Landing, 1862 
2d Corp., Z. Landrum; disabled at 

3d Corp., G. L. P. Reed; Hospital 

4th Corp., A. C. Morris 

abled at Gaines' Mill 
1st Sergt., C. E. Jones; killed at Musician, J. R. P. Jett 

Second Manassas 
2d Sergt., S. Y. Smith ' \ privates 

3d Sergt., J. S. Rudd Allen, Ben H.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

4th Sergt., Nelse A. Myer; killed at Bullock, B. F. 

Gaines' Mill Bell, O. W. 



Barzo, Henry; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Bascom, G. F. 

Brent, Thos. A.; killed at Second 

Beck, Jacob 

Cartwright, E. W. i 

Cartwright, Jas. ; killed at the Wil- 

Chilton, F. B. 

Connelly, Jas.; disabled at Gaines' 
Mill * 

Copeland, W. E.; disabled at Gaines' 
Mill, lost a foot 

Conroe, C. M.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Dawson, R. C. ; killed at Second 

Damm, Adam 

Edmison, J. S. 

Fisher, W. S. ; lost a foot at Gaines' 

Faulkner, A. 

Finley, Howard 

Farrow, D. D. 

Griggs, Green; disabled in 1864 in 

Gilliham, J. H.; killed at Gaines' 

Hall, J. H.j died of wound in 

Hatch, L. B. 

Howard, C. S. 

Howard, N. F. 

Holt, A. C. 

Hahn, A. 

Hopkins, J. C. 

Harrison, D.; deserted 

Holmes, M. C.j lost a leg at Second 

Keyser, G. W. 

Kipps, G. W.; killed at the Wilder- 

Kerr, W. C. 

King, S. P.; killed at Second Ma- 

King, F. G. 

Long, John 

Lemon, J. W. 

Landrum, Z.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Landrum, W. J. 

Lewis, Jas. L. ; killed at Second Ma- 

Lewis, Clint; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Loper, Wm. 

Lackland, J. M. 

Martin, W. L.; killed at Gaines' Mill 

Mathews, L. A. 

McCowan, A. J.; disabled in Tennes- 
see in 1863, wound in knee 

McDaniels, Y. L.; disabled in 1864, 
wound in leg 

Meyers, M. F. 

May, Thomas 

May, D. G.; disabled at Gaines' Mill 

May, W. C. 

May, R. M. 

Milliken, Win. 

McGraw, Wm. 

Nevill, D. E. 

McGraw, Wm. 

Petty, T. T. M. 

Peacock, Wm. ; killed at Chickamauga 

Parker, Wm. A.; color bearer, was 
wounded at Sharpsburg and died 

Peasley, G. A. 

Rogers, J. P. 

Reynolds, Ben.; killed at Gettysburg 

Randolph, D. J. 

Ransom, R. W. ; killed at Second 

Steward, J. R. 

Sanderlin, J. M. 

Savage, Ed. 

Stewart, J. E. ; lost leg in battle, 1862 

Stewart, R. H. 

Sharp, J. H.; killed at Petersburg 

Seay, A. B.; disabled by wound in 
in 1862 

Seargeant, Thos. 

Spivey, J. S. 

Stratton, Robert 

Travis, Henry; killed at the Wilder- 

Tucker, D. J. 

Tedford, R. J.; disabled by wound in 
leg at Chickamauga 

Thigpen, E. C. 

Thigpen, G. C. 

Taylor, Alex. 

A Genuine Soldier Boy of 1861 

16 Year Old 

(Taken in Richmond, Va., 1861) 

Frank Bowdkn Chilton 

Company H, Fourth Texas Regiment, Hood's Texas Brigade, 
Army of Northern Virginia; later Captain C. S. A. 




Thomas, J. Keeble, Ed. 

Taliafero, J.; disabled by wound in Smith, John; killed at Chickamauga 

arm at Gettysburg Stanfield, John; killed at Chicka- 
Tyler, R. L.; killed at Gaines' Mill mauga 

Waltrip, C. M. Jeffers, M. S. 

Wallace, J. M. Wilkes, B. B. 

Watson, Wm. A. Kirby, J. A.; killed at Chickamauga 

Wilcox, T. W. Keyser, Henry 

Wynne, G. A.; killed at Sharpsburg Lewis, Wm. 

Wynne, J. A. Le Venture, Louis 

Wilkes, T. O.; killed at Gaines' Mill Town, Jacob L.; was killed at Knox- 
Wade, F. H. ville 

Anders, R. Leach, M. 

Bryant, W. L. B.; killed at Gaines' Meyers, T. J. 

Mill Mitchell, T. R.; deserted 

Cartwright, L. C; lost arm in battle Steussey, J.; lost an arm at Gaines' 

in 1865 Mill 

Cathey, B. H. Steussey, M.; lost a leg at Gaines' 
Cude, Wm. Mill ' 

Clepper, L. C. Smith, John L.; disabled in Virginia 
Dillard, T. C. in 1864 

Dowdey, B. C. ; disabled by wound Sergeant, Jas. B.; disabled at Gaines' 

in leg, 1864 Mill 

Dale, G. W. Sanders, C. B. 

Collier, A. H. Rankin, Robt. 

Ellis, Jack; killed at Gettysburg Talley, J. C. 

Farrow, Sam W. Talley,! Reuben 

Faulkner, A.; killed at Gettysburg Taylor, C. T. ; disabled in battle in 
Gafford, R. D. 1863 

Watson, H. C. ; killed at Second Wynne, T. A. 

Manassas Wynne, S. W.; killed at Second Ma- 
Quigley, R. ; killed at Gaines' Mill nassas 

Conklin, Jas.; killed at Wilderness Fox, Richard; killed at Sharpsburg 


C. M. Winkler, Captain W. G. Jackson, Fourth Sergeant; 

J. R. Loughridge, First Lieutenant; wounded and disabled Oct., 1864 


J. R. Oglebia, Second Lieutenant; re- privates 

signed and returned Astin, J. H.; disabled and discharged 

B. J. C. Hill, Third Lieutenant; re- Allen, W. B. 

signed Armstrong, R. C. 

Mat. Beasley, First Sergeant Barry, A. 

S. M. Riggs, Second Sergeant; killed Barry, M. 

at battle of Chickamauga Beasley, J. R. 

J. D. Caddell, Third Sergeant; killed Beasley, Jesse; killed at Second bat- 

at Petersburg, 1865 tie of Manassas 


Barnet, J. R. Hamilton, J. L. 

Brewster, A. J. Harper, Frank 

Bales, W. H.; disabled at Gettysburg Jefferson, W. R. 

Boynton, G. S. Jordan, I. C. 

Black, James R. Killian, H. L. W.; wounded at 

Bias, A. J. Sharpsburg 

Bishop, John Kennedy, Thomas; wounded and dis- 

Crab, E. S. ; disabled in Second bat- charged, 1864 

tie of Manassas Knight, Tom 

Crabtree, J. W. Lemons, A. M. ; wounded and dis- 
Crawford, R. W. abled September, 1864 

Carroll, W. E. ; killed at Chickamauga Lumas, J. M. 

Childress, B. F.; killed at Chicka- Lanham, J. B.; wounded at Sharps- 

mauga burg and discharged 

Crossland, A. M.; wounded and dis- Lea, 

abled at Ft. Harrison Miller, R. S. 

Casady, J. M. Mills, N. J.; elected lieutenant of Co. 

Duran, J. W. Massey, J. H.; wounded and disabled 
Duncan, Ira P. at Chickamauga 

Dillard, E. P. Morris, T. R. ; killed at Second battle 

Dozier, ; killed in battle of Manassas 

Fondran, W. A.; killed at Gaines' Mitchell, W. H. 

Mill McMorris, J. M. 

Franklin, B. F. Melton, I. E. 

Fagan, Jas. G. Meador, A. L. 

Fuller, W. W. Neal, J. H. 

Fuller, Jas. L.; killed at Wilderness Neal, Jeff. 

Foster, J. A. ; disabled in 1864 Piatt, W. G. 

Foster, G. W.; disabled Oct. 7, 1864 Pickett, John; wounded at Second 
Foster, M. L. Manassas and discharged 

Garner, E. M.; killed at battle of Polk, J. M. 

Antietam or Sharpsburg Osborn, Paddy 

Green, J. T. Osborn, Sandy 

Green, John Orendorff, J. H. 

Gregory, R. Pursly, Lewis 

Gregory, John; wounded, disabled Pennington, C. 

Herbert, J. H. ; wounded at Second Rice, L. W. 

Manassas, disabled Rice, R. N. 

Holloway, R. G. Rushing, M. D. L. 

Harrison, J. J. Sessions, J. T. 

Harrison, H. H. Sessions, E. G. 

Hill, Jack; killed in September, 1864 Smith, Pulasky 

Hill, J. H.; wounded at Sharpsburg Smith, W. T. ; killed at Gettysburg 

Haldeman, J. W. Smith, W. G. 

Hagle, Joe. Simmons, J. W. 

Henderson, G. W. Stokes, Cornelius; killed June &', 1864 

Harris, J. O. ; killed at Gettysburg Steward, J. D. ; wounded and disabled 
Hamilton, J. D. at Gaines' Mill 



Spence, W. T.; killed at Second Ma- Wade, R. H.; disabled at Gaines' 


Shaw, J. R. 

Terrell, S. B.; killed at Suffolk, Feb- 
ruary, 1863 

Templeton, Wm. W. 

Templeton, N. B. 

Treadwell, J. H. 

Utzman, J. L. 

Walker, J. C. ; killed at Chickamauga Westbrooks, George 

Walker, H. E.; killed at Wilderness Fortson, J. R. 

Waters, Ezekial 
Warren, B. 
Weil, Sol. 
Welch, Mike 
Welch, John 
Westbrook, J. H. 
Westbrooks, W. H. 

Captain, Wm. H. Mar- 

1st Lieut.; M. O. Clana- 

3d Lieut., W. D. Rounsa- 


Anding, John 
Allen, J. M. 
Allen, J. W. 
Antle, Milton 
Ball, B. L. 
Barham, C. J. 
Bowles, Axom 
Bradley, J. F. T. 
Baker, Joseph 
Boyd, James 
Banks, T. C. 
Brown, W. B. 
Carguilo, W. A. 
Cox, B. M. 
Champion, L. D. 
Campbell, A. 
Campbell, J. E. 
Campbell, J. M. 
Clanahan, W. R. 
Chapman, M. 
Chapman, J. 


Carter, Hugh 
Derden, W. L. 
Elledge, H. D. 
Elledge, J. F. 
Edwards, W. L. 
Forrester, Thomas 
Forester, Joel 
Green, J. J. 
Green, D. N. 
Guthrie, L. J. 
Gibbon, J. F. 
Guiger, John D. 
Godwin, Wesley 
Hodge, M. H. 
Hobgood, T. J. 
Hight, F. M. 
Heard, J. D. 
Hamby, John 
Hilliard, E. C. 
Holland, F. M. 
Isaacs, William 
Kimbrough, J. H. 
Loop, G. R. 
Larue, A. J. 
Lemox, A. C. 
McCall, J. C. 
McNealy, T. G. 
Martin, R. B. 
Martin, Alfred 

Martin, Henry 
Norvell, Robert 
Owen, S. T. 
Owen, J. D. 
Owen, S. Trice 
Paul, R. B. 
Pattillo, B. A. 
Pickering, James 
Price, Russell 
Price, W. B. 
Phillips, H. 
Fairr, W. R. 
Richardson, W. E. 
Rice, John 
Rounsavall, James A. 
Rounsavall I. M. 
Rogers, J. H. 
Rogers, S. S. 
Roushing, G. H. 
Ross, C. C. 
Redmon, R. 
Swindle, J. M. 
Smith, F. J. 
Tubbs, Robert 
Wilton, W. T. 
Weisensee, C. P. 
Whittaker, W. F. 
Williams, E. J. 
Wigginton, William 




W. B. Botts; was Captain, promoted W. H. Sellers, 1st Lieut.; went with 
to Lieut. Col., and resigned Gen. Hood West. Died in Texas 



J. R. Hale, 2d Lieut. 

D. C. Farmer, 3d Lieut.; Captain 

J. E. Clute, Orderly Sergt.; killed 

at Gaines' Mill 
W. D. Cleveland, 3d Sergt. 

E. A. Noble, 4th Sergt.; wounded at 
Second Manassas 

E. R. Moore, Corporal 

John Leverton, 2d Corp.; wounded 

at Gettysburg, Pa. 
Justus Davidson, 3d Corp. 
J. A. McMurty, 4th Corp.; wounded 

at Manassas 
J. Aurbach; discharged 
John B. Bell; wounded at Manassas 
C. M. Botts 
Jasper Barron 
William Barron 

A. J. Burke, Jr. 

Sam Bailey; wounded at Manassas 
and Gettysburg, killed at Spott- 
sylvania Court House 

M. F. Berry 

Geo. W. Bottler 

T. E. Bigbee; missing at Boones- 
boro, Md. 

Robert Burns; Regimental Commis- 

George Butler 

H. C. Bell 

W. H. A. Cyrus 

R. Capps; deserted 

B. R. Currin 
W. H. Chadwick 
W. F. Clark 

W. A. Clark 

S. Cohn; killed at Gettysburg 

J. A. Cameron 

M. J. McCullock 

T. H. Clark 

C. W. Doggs; killed at Gettysburg 

G. H. DeLesdernier; killed at Gaines' 

Jas. Downey 

B. S. Dyer; wounded at Sharpsburg 
Geo. M. Douglass 
J. W. DeLesdernier; wounded at 

Isaac Elsasser 

A. H. Edey 

B. Pugh Fuller; 3d Lieut. 
W. F. Farrell 

D. N. Fleming 

C. B. Gardner; wounded at Second 

J. H. Garrison; wounded at Gettys- 

W. A. George 

C. P. Horn; deserted 

S. D. Hughs 

R. G. Hollard 

G. C. Holbrook; deserted 

J. T. Hurtt 

T. Kesse 

J. A. Kennard; deserted 

William Keily; wounded at Second 

J. M. Lee 

T. W. Lubbock 

J. W. Landigsen 

J. E. Landes; wounded at the Wil- 

Horace Livingston 

W. McDowell; killed at Gettysburg 

F. Loberque 

J. V. May 

C. H. Merriman 

J. S. Norton 

O. O. Malley; wounded at Second 
Manassas and Chickamauga 

Thos. O. Donnell 

F. M. Poland 
R. W. Phelps 

Nicholas Pomeroy; wounded at Sec- 
ond Manassas and Gettysburg 
John Reily 

T. H. Rievly; wounded at Gettysburg 
H. R. Rogers 

G. H. Robins; wounded at Chicka- 

J. J. Sweeney 

Jas. Stanger 

B. C. Simpson; wounded at Manassas 
and Gettysburg 

J. H. Shepherds; wounded at Wil- 

Wm. Sims 

H. G. Settle; wounded at Petersburg 


Chas. Settle D. W. Walker; killed at Manassas 

Chas. Seldon; deserted D. Wilderson 

W. A. Tryon C. Whitaker 

H. P. Tools W. A. Cook 

I. Tressam The following named parties, wounded 

A. C. M. Taylor at Manassa, Va., died at Warren- 

V. Vandergen ton, Va.: J. A. McMurty, John 

A. Wolff; killed at Sharpsburg Massenburg, John DeLesdernier 
S. B. Webber; deserted S. O. Young; enlisted Jan. 1, 1865 


John C. Upton, Captain; became Baker, J. D. 

Lieut.-Col., killed at Second Ma- Baker, A. H. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

nassas Bostick, S. R. 

J. D. Roberdeau, 1st Lieut.; became Burford, Phil. 

Captain, wounded at Second Ma- Bridge, A. 

nassas, Sharpsburg and Gettysburg Behue, G. 

J. H. Bullington, &'d Lieut. Carter, J. T.; killed at Gettysburg 

Ed. Collier, 3d Lieut.; disabled per- Carter, A. H.; wounded at Gaines' 

manently at Petersburg, Va. Mill 

W. D. Denny, 1st Sergt. ; killed at Carter, A. V. L.; killed at Second 

Eltham's Landing ^ Manassas 

B. M. Baker, 2d Sergt. and Lieut.; Coffee, C. 
wounded at Second Manassas and Cabanis, Max 

Gettysburg Carroll, Jim.; wounded at Gaines' 
J. C. Kindred, 3d Sergt. Mill 

D. H. Henderson, 4th Sergt. and 1st Cherry, W. S.; wounded at Gaines' 

Lieut.; killed at Gettysburg Mill and Gettysburg 

Ellis Putney, 5th Sergt. Carleton, W. H. 

John Buchanan, 1st Corp. Currie, D. M. ; wounded 

John C. Miller, 2d Corp.; killed at Collins, Pat.; wounded at Second 

Gettysburg Manassas 

Wm. Pinchback, 3d Corp.; killed at Cooper, Jasper 

Second Manassas Cooper, Newton 

J. H. Whitehead, 4th Corp.; wounded Darden, W. J.; wounded at Sharps- 

at Gettysburg burg and disabled 

John B. Wall, 5th Corp. Dickinson, J. C. 

privates DeGraffenreid, T. T.; wounded at 
Auerbach, E.; killed at the Wilder- Boonesboro 

ness Dolan, John; deserted 

Burton, W. H.; killed at Bermuda Daggett, M. ; killed at Second Ma- 
Hundred Front nassas 

Besch, E. ; wounded three different Dickey, G. W. 

battles Edgar, John 

Byers, W. F. Enke, August; wounded at Gaines' 
Bently, W. L. Mill and disabled 

Bruce, J. S.; wounded at Second Flanagan, M.; deserted 

Manassas Graf, John; wounded at Wilderness 


Gaines, John R. ; killed at Gaines' McCormick, John 

Mill McCormick, S. L. 

Gegenrarth, Geo.; wounded at Chick- McNeilus, D. ; killed at Sharpsburg 

amauga and disabled McLeod, M. W. 

Grace, A. J. Nelms, W. F.; wounded at Second 
Harris, Dr. T. W. Manassas, killed at Gettysburg 

Harris, F. R. Obenschain, J. S.; wounded at Chick- 
Harbert, W. J. amauga 

Humphrey, R. I.; wounded at Second O'Neill, John; killed at Gettysburg 

Manassas, killed at Petersburg Perkins, J. R. 

Howard, I. A.; killed at Gettysburg, Pratt, Henry; wounded at Second 

with colors , Manassas 

Harvey, John B.; wounded at Get- Penelton, Henry 

tysburg, disabled Priest, John 

Hurley, D.; wounded at Freeman's Ray, J. R. 

Ford Reynolds, Jas. 

Hurley, M.; killed at Gettysburg Ratican, John; wounded at Gaines' 
Haynes, Blythe Mill, disabled 

Haynes, Henry; killed at Gettysburg Roberts, T. J.; wounded at Free- 
Hendrick, Hiram man's Ford 

Hart, W. S. ; killed at Chickamauga Rhodes, Wm. ; wounded at Second 
Higgs, J. F. Manassas 

Hoffman, Wm.; killed at Sharpsburg Sheppard, Webb; wounded at Second 
Hahn, Jacob; wounded at Gaines' Manassas, with colors 

Mill Sloan, A. G. ; killed at Gettysburg 

Hare, W. S. Stroud, B. F. 

Hanks, John Scherer, Riley; killed at Eltham's 
Johnson, J. W.; wounded at Second Landing 

Manassas and Gettysburg Senne, Henry; wounded at Eltham's 
Johnson, Wm. Landing, disabled 

Jenkins, John M. Snell, W. T.; wounded at Second 
Kolbow, John; killed at Sharpsburg Manassas 

Kaepke, F.; killed at Malvern Hill Smith, John C. ; Avounded at Second 
Lahey, John; wounded at the Wilder- Manassas 

ness Stephenson, William 

Lynch, C. ; wounded at Gaines' Mill, Shields, Chas. 

disabled Sanders, W. L. 

Lundy, P.; wounded at Second Stafford, R. E. 

Manassas Stoneker, W. J. 

Legg, Andrew Slayton, Wm. 

Manhart, F. Tanner, C. B. 

Murphy, F. M. Tatum, C. S. 

Morrissey, John; wounded at Sharps- Terrell, Hunt; wounded at Gettys- 
burg burg 

Monroe, George; killed at Sharps- Terrell, C. M. 

burg Trainor, John; wounded at Second 
Mathee, Fritz; killed at Freeman's Manassas and Gettysburg 

Ford Taylor, T. O. 

McMillan, A. P. M.; deserted Taylor, F. M.; deserted 



Urabarger, John; killed at Second Wilson, J. C; killed at Gettysburg 

Welck, T.; deserted 
Weston, C. ; deserted 
Wallace, J. W.; deserted 

Woodhouse, P.; wounded at Second 

Manassas and Gettysburg 

Carrigan, J.; killed at Second 


D. M. Whaley, Captain 
J. J. McBride, 1st Lieut. 
W. G. Wallace, 2d Lieut. 
J. E. Anderson, 2d Lieut. 


Lee Tubb, 1st Sergt. 
Z. L. Logan, 2d Sergt. 
T. J. Pridgen, 3d Sergt. 
J. C. Cox, 4th Sergt. 

E. W. Black, 5th Sergt. 
G. A. Pruitt, 1st Corp. 
J. T. Adkinson, 2d Corp. 
P. B. Perry, 3d Corp. 
G. F. Border, 4th Corp. 
P. K. McKenzie, Musician 
H. L. Olrick, Musician 


Jesse Anderson 
J. T. Allison 

A. B. Allison 
Robert Allen 
Z. P. Bell 
Edward Bell 
T. J. Boykin 

B. W. Bristow 

E. H. Bristow 
G. G. Barbee 
J. H. Brewer 

F. M. Braden 
William Boykin 
Wm. Brashear 
A. Brashear 
H. W. Boyd 

J. F. Coston 
D. O. H. Coston 
J. M. Copeland 
J. P. Copeland 


J. S. Crosby 
James Deatley 

A. J. Dunlap 
H. B. Dunn 
Z. Y. Dezell 
E. M. Dezell 
J. M. Driscol 
H. T. Driscol 

W. V. B. Duncan 
J. C. Dickson 
J. B. Durgan 
J. E. Ellis 
C. A. Ellis 

B. D. Elkins 
J. B. Farris 
J. A. J. Fryer 
Thomas Foley 
J. A. Green 

J. C. Green 
J. W. M. Green 
John Garrison 
Wiley Graham 
J. B. Graham 
Strickland Graham 
J. G. Gouch 
Marion Garey 
Benjamin Henry 
W. H. Gough 
Berry Hicks 
R. H. Hays 
J. H. Hailey 
S. W. Erwin 
E. W. James 
John Caloway 
A. A. Jones 
Asbury Lawson 
Thomas R. Lee 
J. E. Lacey 
W. L. Long 
Lacey Lusk 
Emmitt Mulholland 

D. W. Moore 
Sterling Moody 
G. W. Mills 
Ransom McKenzie 
James Merideth 

A. P. Moss 
William Murchinson 
James W. Neighbors 
John Neighbors 

B. D. Nunnery 
Joe S. New 
Benjamin Perry 
B. D. Page 
Thomas R. Pistole 
David Price 

J. H. Pool 

E. P. Parker 
P. G. Phillips 
J. J. Pridgen 
B. R. Perry 

T. M. Robinson 
Joe. L. Ross 
Joseph Rose 

E. H. Sawyers 

B. S. Stewart 
W. B. Simmons 
G. A. Shillings 
James E. Swindler 
J. D. Stephens 

J. S. Skinner 
J. M. Scott 
H. P. Traweek 

C. C. Traweek 
Richard Turner 
Sam. Thomas 
James Underwood 
Henry C. Wynch 
P. W. West * 
James M. Wallace 
R. F. Webb 

F. M. Williams 


James Williams Jefferson "Walker Eli Yow 

W. K. Williams William Watson J. K. Yeldell 

M. T. Welsh C. M. C. Whaley 


R. M. Powell, Captain; promoted to Caldwell, O. H. P.; wounded at Sec- 
Colonel, wounded and captured at ond Manassas, deserted 
Gettysburg, commanding brigade Campbell, John 
at surrender of Appomattox Court Campbell, D. M. 
House Campbell, W. B. 

W. T. Hill, 1st Lieut.; promoted to Carrington, Bernard; wounded at the 

Captain, wounded at Gettysburg Wilderness 

and Wilderness, commanding regi- Coleman, W. G.; wounded at Gettys- 

ment at surrender burg, lost his foot 

A. C. Woodall, 2d Lieut.; promoted Cotton, Robert 

to 1st Lieut., wounded at battles of Cotton, John A. 

Knoxville and Darbytown Cotton, John W. ; wounded at Second 

Campbell Wood, 3d Lieut.; promoted Manassas 

to 2d Lieut., wounded at Gettys- Cox, L. A. 

burg Cunningham, Nat. 


Cunningham, Frank 
DeCapree, A. 

privates Dickie, J. A.; wounded at Chicka- 

Abercrombie, Milo B. mauga 

Abernathy, Henry; killed at Gettys- Dikeman, Wm. 

burg Douglass, N. ; wounded at Second 

Adickes, E. J. Manassas, killed at Gettysburg 

Allen, William H. Edwards, T. J. 

Alston, Angus, D.; killed at Gaines' Elmore, Joseph 

Mill Eskridge, George; killed at Gettys- 

Alston, Robert burg 

Alston, Willis W.; wounded at Get- Estill, Ben. D.; killed at Second 

tysburg and Wilderness Manassas 

Alverson, Jno. T. ; killed at Spott- Estill, Black; killed at Second Ma- 

sylvania Court House nassas i 

Bass, J. M. Ewing, J. W. 

Birdwell, T. J. Eutzler, C. C. 

Bowden, J. G. Farthing, W. G. W. ; promoted Sergt., 

Brantley, R. A.; promoted to Sergt., lost leg at Gettysburg 

wounded at Second Manassas Franklin, S. J. 
Brown, M. C. ; killed at Chickamauga Gilbert, Jas. E.; wounded at Gettys- 
Brown, R. C. ; wounded at Malvern burg, Chickamauga and the Wilder- 
Hill ness 
Burden, Jack Gilbert, Martin L. ; wounded and 
Burden, Joseph C. ; killed at Second permanently disabled at Chicka- 

Manassas mauga 

Burke, Eph. Golding, Anthony; wounded at 

Burton, I.; wounded at Wilderness Gaines' Mill and Fort Harrison 



Grant, Geo. A.; wounded at Gaines' 
Mill and Fort Harrison 

Griffin, Robert H.; killed at the Wil- 

Gwynn, William A. 

Hardy, Richard; wounded at Gettys- 

Harris, J. K. P.; mortally wounded 
at Second Manassas 

Harrison, J. S.; wounded at Seven 

Henry, Z. P.; killed at Williamsport, 

Harper, William 

Hightower, J. A. 

Hill, A. T. 

Hill, C. T. 

Hill, J. C. ; promoted to Sergeant, 
wounded at Gettysburg 

Hinson, A. M. 

Hewitt, Robt. 


Hume, F. Charles; wounded at Sec- 
ond Manassas 

Irving, Henry 

Kearse, Calhoun 

Keeble, Edwin A.; wounded at the 

Keenan, Walter; wounded at Darby- 

Latchman, Ernest; wounded at Sec- 
ond Manassas, killed at Gettysburg 

Lamkin, M. A.; wounded at Second 

Lewis, William H. ; killed at the Wil- 

Lewis, W. E.; killed at Wilderness 

Lewis, T.J. ; wounded at Chickamauga 


Maas, Louis; killed at Second Ma- 

Malone, Thomas , 

Marshall, James 

McDade, Jas. A.; killed at Gettys- 

Minshew, Jacob 

Minshew, Joel; wounded at Gettys- 

McGilvary, William 

Morris, Robert 

Mitchell, Charles 

Mitchell, Leroy; promoted Corporal, 
wounded at Gettysburg 

Murphy, M.; deserted 

Murray, J. A.; promoted Sergeant 

Murray, J. H., Jr. 

Myers, William, H.; wounded at the 

Neatherly, J. 

Nelms, Jesse C. 

Nelms, W. M.; killed at Second 

Page, K. J.; wounded at Seven Pines, 

Parker, I. N. ; wounded at Gettysburg 

Pearce, W. J. C. 


Powell, W: P.; wounded at Second 

Pirtle, Samuel; killed at Sharpsburg 

Randall, I. B.; wounded at Gettys- 

Reynolds, Dr. 

Ridgeway, F. M. ; killed at Sharps- 

Robertson, J. R. 

Robinson, J. M. ; promoted Sergeant, 
wounded at Second Manassas, lost 
leg at Chickamauga 

Rome, W. B.; wounded at Chicka- 
mauga, lost leg at Wilderness 

Ross, S. P.; killed at Gettysburg 

Rose, Joseph 

Sanders, Alonzo 

Saunders, William; killed at Knox- 
ville, Tenn. 

Scott, Thomas B. ; lost leg at Malvern 

Scott, Jno. A. 

See, A. 

Seale, J. R. ; wounded at Second 

Shackleford, Ed. 

Shanaski, Charles; wounded at Get- 

Shaw, Jas. T. ; killed at Spottsylvania 

Spivey, W. F.; killed at Second 



Smith, W. O.; wounded at Second 

Smith, R. 

Smither, J. M.; promoted to Corp., 
Sergt.-Major, wounded at Chicka- 
mauga, Bermuda Hundreds 

Stanton, Robert; wounded at Second 
Manassas, missing at the Wilder- 


Traylor, A. H.; wounded at Chicka- 

Traylor, J. H. 

Traylor, W. A. 

Tomlinson, John; killed at Chicka- 

Tomlinson, James 

Turner, William; killed at Gettysburg 

Underwood, A. 

Walke, W. C. ; promoted to Corporal, 
wounded at the Wilderness 

Warren, Walter 

Watson, Thos. L.; promoted to Cor- 
poral, killed at Chickamauga 

Williamson, Peter J. Gray; killed at 

Williamson, Jack 

Wilson, Luts; deserted 

Wilson, W. P. 

Wood, Robert 

Woodson, Philip; discharged 

Woodson, C. T. 

Wynne, William D.; killed at Second 

Yoakum, George 

John D. Rogers, Capt. ; 

Thomas A. Baber, 1st 
Lieut.; disabled 

R. T. Harper, 2d Lieut.; 

Thomas Nash, 3d Lieut.; 

James H. Littlefield ; 

A. J. Stevens 

Walter S. Norwood; pro- 

A. J. Hall 

W. B. W. George 

M. M. Felder 

Milam Gay 

John T. Sedgely 

Hardy Allen; killed 

Richard Allen 

Thos. J. Armitage 

D. F. Adair 

Chas. C. Allen 

Chas. Brown 

John Booth; killed 

W. G. Bunger 

James C. Buster; killed 

James A. Cartwell 


John W. Cousins 

George Cooper 

Moses Cooper; killed 

Atrus M. Clay 

Sam. T. Cofield 

Sam H. Dean; killed 

F. A. Eldridge 

B. Eldridge 

M. A. J. Evans 

Geo. Ewing 

John T. Fields 

Rufus K. Felder 

Cornelius E. Farquhar; 

Felix Farquhar 

James T. Farmer 

W. H. H. Gray 

J. R. Goodwin 

James B. Gee 

Leonard Gee 

John Gee; he was trans- 

John L. Garrett 

James S. Hutchinson ; 

Julian H. Hutchinson; 

Leonidas Holliday 

John N. Henderson ; 

Francis M. Hendly 
Ruf. G. Harper 
James H. Hardiman 
Joseph E. Henery; killed 
James T. Hurt; killed 
Robert W. Hargrove 
Andrew Hill 
Bernard Kavanaugh 
W. C. Legrand 
John Lott 
J. B. Lott 

Lamb S. Lockett; killed 
E. E. Maxey 
Thomas McCoy 
Thomas H. Mullins 
Newton N. Mullins ; 

Wm. A. Muir 
Wm. T. Muse 
John Mayfleld; killed 
Charles E. Moncrief; 

Fatin Meadows 
Duncan W. McPherson 
John May 
W. H. McCalister 



Frank M. Nash 

R. S. Niblett 

David O. Patrick 

S. M. Patrick 

N. E. Petty; killed 

Robert W. Pearson; 

J. J. Roberts; promoted 
John S. Roberts 
John H. Roberts 
Patrick H. Rogers 
Richard Ringgold; killed 
Chas. J. Rice 
Jule A. Ranald 
Wm. Sensebaugh; killed 
Simon B. Smith 1 

F. J. Whittington 
Wm. Mclvey 
Wm. Fletcher 

D. A. Tilton 
Henry Griffith 
Wm. Bryant 
Andrew Bryant 
Beasley Dugat 
Henry Whitlock 
John Church 
Jim Johnson 
Blair Johnson 
Albert Dugat 
Edmun Hart 
Neal Dorain 
Pink Buckston 
D. Toups 
" Sargent " Evans 
Tom Coogan 
Mike Whalin 
Dallis Bryan 

G. W. Starnes 
Earnest Branch 
Isaac Linscott 

B. J. F. Smith 
Joseph Sherman; killed 
James W. Spann; killed 
Frank M. Smith 
A. J. Trainer; killed 
James F. Toland 
Robert S. Toland; killed 
Sam H. Watson; killed 
Robert D. Wilkinson 
George B. Williams 
John L. Wilcox 
Jefferson Wright; killed 
Joseph W. Wallace 
F. M. Williamson 
L. E. Mattox; killed 
Jesse B. Lott 


Isaac Oxford 
Sam Godwin 
John Tutt 


Tom Smith 
Cadmus Wilborn 
Davis Rashall 
M. Fitzgerald 
Jeff. Chaison 
Wm. Pemburton 
Jno. Spencer 


John Smith 
Jack Wilson 
Ed. McCarty 
Jim Karlow 
Peter Mallery 
Pryer Choat 
Tom Leonard 
Jack Little 
Bill Taylor 
Dick Berry 
Mc Stricklin 
Jim Booth 

W. H. Innis 
J. F. Wray 
George Counts; killed 
C. S. Goodwin; killed 
Ira Hill; killed 
Thomas Weathersby; 

Henry Pollock; killed 
Dan Batts; killed 
Wm. R. Lott 
Leonard Moore 
Joe George 

William Stevens; killed 
John Walthall 
John L. Dulany 
J. H. Smith: killed 

Sivan Giroux 
Dr. Cook 


Chas. Brashear 


Arthur H. Edy 
J. C. Ross 



King Bryant 
Sol. Curbillo 
Julius Schultz 
Ed. Pruett . 
Pryor Bryant 
L. V. Cobb 
Dr. Noah 
Jem Howell 
R. N. Keith 
John White 

S. Stephenson 




J. C. Rogers, Capt.; Sam Streetman, 2d promoted to 3d Lieut., 
wounded, promoted to Lieut.; killed killed 

Major Lu. Battle, 3d Lieut.; W. A. Nabors, 2d Sergt. 

John Smith, 1st Lieut.; discharged Ben. Green, 3d Sergt.; 

promoted tx> Captain W. J. Terry, 1st Sergt.; wounded and died 


Ike Jackson, 4th Sergt. ; Hardcastle, James Turnham, R. C. 

wounded Harmon, John Tuttle, W. P. 

B. F. Nabours, 1st Corp. Jones, G. A.; killed Tarver, W. H.; wounded 

J. L. Stewart, 2d Corp. Jones, Wash.; wounded Tomlinson, J. B.; killed 
J. P. Smith, 3d Corp. Jones, A. E.; wounded Thompson, J. E. 
A. H. Brown, 4th Corp.; Jackson, H. C. Valient, W. A. 

wounded Jolly, John; killed Walker, S. H.; killed 

Jackson, C. J.; wounded Webb, J. W. 
privates Jones, Dick; wounded Walker, Tandy; killed 

Allison, S. P.; wounded and died Watson, R. E. 

Bigbee, T. M.; promoted King, Ben Youngs, W. ; killed 

to Sergt., wounded Lawrence, J. L. ; killed Tomlinson, A. J. 

Bellah, S. H.; wounded Lewis, John Austin, J. T. ; wounded 

Bounds, J. H. Mayes, D. H.; wounded Anderson, Bunk; killed 

Bean, E. M. ; promoted McAlister, J. H. Adams, Carey; killed 

to Lieut., wounded McKinney, J. M. Allen, John; wounded 

Beal, D. R.; wounded McDonnald, E., Jr.; Bryant, J. W. ; deserted 
Blackman, W. J. killed Barnard, Geo.; wounded 

Blackman, M. W. McDonnald, David ; killed Benge, J. J. 

Bracken, McDonnald, E., Sr. Caldwell, L. W.; pro- 

Bracken, Thos.; lost his McDonnald, Daniel; . moted to Orderly Ser- 

arm wounded geant, wounded 

Blackburn, W. P. McKnight, Ed. Chance, David; deserted 

Bollinger, F. M.; killed Mayes, R. B.; wounded Cook, James 
Cross, Antonio Morey, Harvy; wounded Dyer, W. T. 

Cooper, W. V. L.; Middleton, N. D. Duke, Thomas 

wounded Nance, C. P.; wounded Evans, Dan 

Cunningham, A. P.; Ogdon; Milton Edwards, Jas.; wounded 

wounded Pemberton, W. J. Frazier, James 

Carson, D, H.; killed Peaks, W. W. ; killed Garrett, Mike; wounded 

Clarke, J. C. ; killed .Pool, James; wounded Henderson, Robt. 

Cooley, Benj.; killed Pool, I. M. Hill, W. W.; wounded 

Converse, George Pendarvis, Wm. Jones, Joseph; killed 

Ditto, Alex. Richie, R. W. ; wounded Jackson, Andrew; killed 

Evans, James; wounded Rowe, H. H.; killed Lankford, Thos. 

Ford, G. M.; killed Small, J. B.; wounded Lankford, Daniel; de- 

Fleming, H. P. Stedham, Lewis serted 

Ford, J. L. Sharp, S. W. ; killed Long, Thomas; wounded 

Gafford, J. C. Sharp, Antony Locklin, Jesse; killed 

Griffin, Robt.; killed Smith, W. W.; wounded Miller, L. W.; wounded 

Garrett, W. Sherrell, J. G. ; wounded McPrewett, Wilson 

Hawkins, J. H.; wounded Sherrell, James McAninch, E. B.; 

Holt, H. P. Sherrell, David; killed wounded 

Hairstone, A. B. Sherrell, Al. J.; wounded Moore, John; wounded 

Huffman, J. A. ; wounded Stedham, Al. J. ; wounded Moore, Wash. ; killed 
Hill, W. V. Stedham, James; killed Monroe, John; killed 

Hale, Charles Sharp, Robt.; wounded Pool, E. W.; wounded 

Hobbs, M.; deserted Shelton, J. D.; wounded Price, Fred 


Ross, Carroll; wounded Ray, ; killed Williams, S.; promoted 

Richardson, ; Sharp, H. H. to Lieut., wounded 

wounded Shirley, Madison Watson, James; wounded 

Ray, ; killed Stiles, John Ward, Chas.; killed 


John S. Cleveland, Captain; wounded Coleman, 

at Manassas and Gettysburg Cunnungham, Pete 

W. S. Maxey, 1st Lieut. Carter, George 

Wm. Robinson, 2d Lieut.; promoted Carr, James 

to 1st Lieut., wounded at Second Davis, Bill 

Manassas, killed at Wilderness Darby, W. B., 3d Lieut. 

Burney Byrd, 3d Lieut. Dansby, Uriah 

S. S. Stanley, 1st Sergt., 3d Sergt., Dowdy, Jim < 

and 2d Lieut.; wounded at Ma- Dooley, Tom 

nassas Dowden, Charlie 

L. H. Woodall, c Jd Sergt., 1st Sergt.; Foster, Milton O. 

wounded at Manassas, killed near Fitzgerald, T. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Richmond Mill and died 

G. M. Sims, 3d Sergt., 2d Sergt. Fitzgerald, F. M.; killed at Gettys- 

E. M. Osborne, 4th Sergt.; wounded burg 

at Second Manassas Freeman, Ben; wounded at Second 

J. S. Stone, 1st Corp.; wounded at Manassas 

Second Manassas Fridge, J. E.; wounded at Gettysburg 

D. W^. McDonald, 2d Corp., 3d Lieut., Ferrell, Bill 

and 2d Lieut. Foster, Bud; wounded at Sharpsburg 

Wm. Wood, 3d Corp.; wounded at Floyd, William 

Sharpsburg and Gettysburg Grayless, William, 3d Sergt. 
L. J. Goree, 4th Corp. ; wounded at Goree, E. K. ; wounded at the Wilder- 
Second Manassas ness 

Goree, P. K.; wounded 

privates Grace, M. B.; wounded at Second 

Brinkley, A. B. Manassas 

Brinkley, Chris. Grace, John W. ; wounded at Second 

Brinkley, Amos Manassas and Chickamauga 

Butler, A. H. ; wounded at Chicka- Bains, R.; killed at Second Manassas 

mauga Bass, James; wounded at Chicka- 

Bell, R. R. ; wounded at Second Ma- mauga 

nassas Carter, George 

Barber, Jonathan; wounded at Sec- Graves, J. C. ; wounded at Gettysburg 

ond Manassas Gibson, Ben 

Ball, Bill; killed at Darbytown Gainor, Wm. 

Curry, James Gillam, M. 

Cuney, J. C. ; wounded at Second Hemphill, Jacob; wounded at Second 

Manassas ' Manassas, Sharpsburg, Wilderness 

Chesher, J. A.; wounded at Second and before Richmond 

Manassas and Wilderness Haynie, Tom 

Cooper, Bill (Musician) Hall, C. L.; killed at Second Manassas 



House, W.; wounded at Second Ma- 
nassas, killed at Sharpsburg 

Hampton, T. L. ; wounded at Second 
Manassas and Wilderness 

Harris, Coon 

Huffman, Ned 

Hogue, Bill 

Hubert, Mile 

Hough, Trav 

Johnson, George H. 

Jones, W. G.; killed at Spottsylvania 

Jennings, J. A.; killed at Chicka- 

Jennings, Ben 

Jett, Levi 

Jett, Voll 

Kirby, Josiah 

Kirgin, E. M. 

Keyes, Jim; deserted 

Keyes, Jno. H. 

Kelley, Thompson 

Lee, R. E. ; wounded at Manassas and 

Lewis, George 

Lewis, Jim 

Maxey, Finney 

Martin, Dan 

Martin, Bud 

Martin, Charles 

McGee, Bill 

McGee, Jesse 

McDonald, C. F.; killed at Gettys- 

McCormick, Maxey; wounded at Win- 

McCracken, Dave; wounded at Wil- 


McCann, Wash. 

McNulty, Frank 

McNeeley, Dr. H. 

New, John; wounded at Manassas 

Obar, George 

Pannell, D. ; killed at Second Ma- 
nassas i 

Pinson, J. C; wounded at Wilder- 

Pinson, West 

Pinson, Newt.; killed at Darbytown 

Reeder, John 

Rose, Harvey; wounded at Gaines* 
Mill and Chickamauga 

Robinson, James 

Robinet, James; wounded at Gettys- 
burg and Wilderness 

Ross, Mat. 

Raines, E. 

Ross, J. B. 

Small, S. W., 4th Sergt. 

Small, J. M. 

Shields, Isaiah; wounded at Second 

Shaw, J. A. 

Shaw, E.; wounded at the Wilderness 

Simpson, Hiram 

Sprott, T. B. ; wounded at Second 
Manassas and Chickamauga 

Stephenson, S. V.; killed at Gettys- 

Stephenson, John; wounded 

Stevenson, Jarrett 

Simmons, T. J.; killed at Chicka- 

Simmons, Wiley 

Spires, Steve 

Steele, George 

Steele, Andrew 

Tarkington, Jno. L. ; wounded at 

Templeton, W. M.; wounded at Fred- 
erickburg, killed at Second Ma- 

Wilson, Robert T. ; wounded at 

Walters, S. E.; wounded at Second 

Vincent, La. 

Weathers, J. R.; killed at Gettysburg 

Whitmier, Jesse W. 

Wicks, William; killed at Kelly's 

Wicks, L. B.; wounded at Freeman's 

Underwood, W. A. 




Captain, Jerome B. Robertson; be- 
came Brigadier-General, command- 
ing brigade 

1st Lieut., Tacitus T. Clay; became 
Captain, lost leg at Darbytown 

2d Lieut., John W. Kerr; became 
Adjutant-General of the brigade 

3d Lieut., Ben J. Franklin; wounded 
at Second Manassas 

3d Lieut.; Chas. A. Graham; killed 
at Gettysburg 

Ord. Sergt, Jas. P. Drake; killed at 

2d Sergt., H. S. Tarver; wounded at 

3d Sergt., J. T. Hairston 

4th Sergt., H. O. Robertson; wounded 

5th Sergt., Robt. A. Park; wounded 
at Sharpsburg 

1st Corp., Wm. O. Morgan; wounded 
at Second Manassas and Gettysburg 

2d Corp., John W. Flanagan; pro- 
moted to lieutenantcy 

3d Corp., Geo. W. Clamptt; wounded 
at Gettysburg and Wilderness 

4th Corp., Wm. H. Holmes 


D. B. Allen; wounded at Second 

John Andrews 

Joe Atkinson 

Geo. W. Baldwin; wounded at Second 
Manassas, killed at Wilderness 

Ben. J. Baldwin; wounded at Gettys- 
burg, Chickamauga and Wilderness 

Thos. Banner 

Martin Banner 

Bat. Baker; killed at Sharpsburg 

W. R. Barlow; wounded at Wilder- 

Oliver P. Barton ; wounded at Wilder- 

Thos. Bates; wounded at Second Ma- 
nassas and killed at Gettysburg 

Wm. T. Blackburn; wounded at Chaf- 

fin's Farm 
J. H. Blue; wounded at Gettysburg 
Jerome Blue 

C. D. Blue 

W. G. Blue; wounded at Second Ma- 
Jas.,, Brady 
Fritz W. Bettis 
Alex. G. Beaumont 

D. H. Carter 
Oscar Chase 

Jas. R. Cliett; wounded at Seven 

Timothy Conway 

John Connor; wounded at Wilderness 

Wm. Crabtree; wounded at Second 
Manassas, killed at Chickamauga 

J. T. Cross; wounded at Gaines' Mill 

J. W. Dallas; wounded at Second 

John Davis; wounded at Chicka- 
mauga, killed at Wilderness 

John Dean; wounded at Gettysburg, 
killed at Wilderness 

J. Watt Dean; wounded at Wilder- 

James Diggs 

John Dick; wounded at Second Ma- 

S. S. Driscol; wounded at Second 
Manassas, killed at Chickamauga 

Ed. Dunn; killed at Sharpsburg 

T. P. Dudley; wounded at Knoxville, 
killed at Darbytown 

F. C. Edney; wounded at Seven Pines 

Jas. A. Eaton 

D. E. Flannegan; wounded at Sec- 
ond Manassas 

Robert Fleming; wounded at Wil- 

Robert E. Fitzgerald 

Ben S. Fitzgerald 

Pat Goodlett 

Josh. S. Grant; wounded at Wilder- 


Chas. H. Graves Whit. S. Montgomery 

June W. Graves; killed at Chicka- Robert Mitchell 

mauga Drew F. Morgan; wounded at 
Jas. N. Guess Sharpsburg, killed at, Chaffin's 

Joe Hallum; wounded at Gaines' Farm 

Mill S. A. Morris 

Wm. Haley; wounded at Second Ma- Parrott W. McNeese 

nassas, killed at Gettysburg Ed. H. McKnight; wounded at Sec- 
John H. Hardy ond Manassas 

Hammett Hardy W. B. McRae; wounded at Freeman's 
Richard J. Haynes; killed at Gaines' Ford 

Mill Thos. J. Newman; wounded at 
W. T. Harris; wounded at Gaines' Sharpsburg 

Mill and Second Manassas G. Ober 

John S. Heffner; wounded at Gettys- Hugh Parker 

burg Dell Perkins 

R. A. Higgason Dimas R. Fonce 

Green Hill J. W. Powell; wounded at Wilder- 
John C. Hill ness 

Wm. B. Hill Ben Quails 

Jas. D. Holmes; wounded at Chicka- Dr. D. H. Robertson; wounded at 

mauga Second Manassas 

Wm. A. Holmes; wounded at Wil- Frank Robertson 

derness W. B. Roysten; killed at Second Ma- 
Curran Holmes nassas 

Jas. L. Holmes; killed at Gettysburg C. D. Seward; killed at Cold Harbor 

A. W. Holt; wounded at Chicka- Wm. Short; wounded at Gettysburg 

mauga John Short; wounded at Second Ma- 
John D. Howell; wounded at Sharps- nassas; killed at Chickamauga 

burg R. H. Spence; wounded at Second 
Robert Howell; wounded at Sharps- Manassas, killed at Knoxville 

burg J. H. Stephens 

John Hoval; wounded at Wilderness Will S. Stephens 

A. B. Hood; wounded at Wilderness Thos. Sutherland 

Robert W. Hudson W. F. Thomas; wounded at Second 
E. C. Hughes; wounded at Wilder- Manassas 

ness Jas. R. Thomas 

Hugh Jackson J. W. Tooley; wounded at Chicka- 
Walker Kerr mauga 

J. W. Kilby; killed at Chickamauga H. W. Waters; wounded at Gaines' 
Abram Lee Mill 

M. O. Lipscomb Loot Ward 

Jonathan Love; surrendered at Ap- Lewis Wells; wounded at Gaines' 

pomattox Mill 

J. A. Mack; deserted W. S. Weatherby 

Harmon C. Martin Clem Wiebusch 

Jeff. Montgomery Sam'l M. Williams 




Turner, I. N. M., Captain; wounded 

at Seven Pines and Manassas, 

killed at Suffolk 
Hubert, R. W., 1st Lieut.; promoted 

to Captain, wounded at Manassas 

and Gettysburg 
Thornton, S. B., 2d Lieut. 
Jones, J. F., 3d Lieut. 
Henry B. W., 1st Sergt., 2d Lieut.; 

killed at Manassas 
McKinnon, N. B., 4th Sergt.; 

wounded at Manassas 
Turner, Joe, 2d Sergt., 2d Lieut.; 

wounded at Manassas and Chicka- 

Beard, J. F., 3d Sergt, 1st Sergt.; 

wounded at Freeman's Ford, killed 

at Chickamauga 
*Meece, T. F., 5th Sergt., 1st Sergt.; 

wounded at Manassas, Gettysburg, 

and White Oak Bottom 
Tracey, Blount, 1st Corp. 
Craig, Z. Q., c Jd Corp. 
Cochran, J. W., 3d Corp. 
Oats, Nathan, 4th Corp.; wounded 

at Manassas, killed at Chickamauga 
Allbritton, Lafayette 
Adams, J. J. 
Alexander, J. M., 2d Lieut.; wounded 

at Second Manassas and Darby- 
town road 

* Armour, J. H. C. 

* Ashley, R. A. ; wounded at Sharps- 
burg, Gettysburg and White Oak 

Bayless, W. U.; killed in 1864 
Best, M. W. 

* Bowen, J. M.; wounded at Second 

Braswell, W. N. ; wounded at Ma- 
Burch, Joe 
Burroughs, T. J. 

Butler, John T. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Butler, Aaron 
Butler, James 
Butler, Fred.; wounded at Manassas 

and Chickamauga 
Calvert, Tom 

* Calvert, J. D.; wounded at Gettys- 

Cannon, J. J. 

Carr, A. B. 

Clark, B. C. 

Collins, R. B.; wounded at Gaines' 

Crouch, Julius 
Crouch, Henry 
Davis, A. C. 
Davis, Frank 
Davis, B. F. 
DeWalt, N. B. 
DeWalt, Waters 
Dorsey, C. C. 
Dortch, L. B.; wounded at Second 

Manassas, both eyes shot out at 

Dunn, J. W. 
Dunn, Simeon; killed at Gettysburg 

* Dunn, Alfred ; wounded at Second 

Manassas and Wilderness 

Easterling, Henry A.; wounded at 
Second Manassas 

Fairchilds, A. J.; wounded at Chick- 

Fields, V. B. 

Fields, R. R. 

Fields, W. H. H. ; wounded at Gettys- 

Fraser, W. 

* Ford, J. F. ; wounded at Gettys- 

Geiger, John 
Green, H. R. 

* Green, A. B., Corporal, 5th Sergt.; 

* Note. — Those marked with a * were at the surrender of the army at Ap- 
pomattox, Va., April 9, 1865. 



wounded at Manassas, Wilderness, Matthews, J. W. ; wounded at Ma- 

Darbytown road nassas 
Hamra, Geo. W.; transferred to Co. McClenny, 

B, 1st Texas, killed at Gettysburg McCoy, J. W.; wounded at Manassas 
* Hendly, W. D. C; wounded at McCoy, W. J. 

Sharpsburg and Gettysburg 

Hendley, J. A. 

Henry, T. W.; killed at the Wilder- 

Hervey, V. T. 

Hester, J. N. 

* Hirams, H. C 

Hirams, Sam 

Hobbs, J. 

Holton, David 

wounded at the 

McCormick, John 

McCrorey, T. W.; wounded at Chick- 

amauga, killed at the Wilderness 
* McDonald, W. M. ; wounded at 

McKee, J. F.; wounded at Manassas, 

killed in the Wilderness 
Meece, C. W.; wounded at Gettys- 


Meece, J. 

P.; wounded at Gettys- 

* Hubert, M. A.; wounded at Gettys- * Meekins^ B. F.; wounded at Second 

burg Manassas 

Hubbard, B. C; wounded at Wilder- Myers, G. B. 

Naulty, T. D. 

Nettles, W. D. S.; wounded at Chick- 

Nettles, J. H. 

Oates, Isaiah 
I, Oliver, Joseph 

Peebles, J. W. ; wounded at Gaines' 

Pierrot, Gus; wounded at Gettys- 
burg, killed at Cold Harbor 
wounded at Second Ritchie, Austin 

Ritter, Louis 

Rone, Jerry; wounded at Second Ma- 

* Rowe, D. A.; wounded at Hay 
Market, also Suffolk campaign, 
Wilderness, Darbytown 

Reese, J. F. 
Salles, B. A. 

* Sandall, W. S.; wounded at Sharps- 
burg and Gettysburg 

Sawyer, J. H. 
Schooler, Sam 

Hudson, Ed. 
Hurt, B. H. N., 1st Lieut.; wounded 

at Second Manassas 
Hutton, G. A. 
Jewel, W. E. i 

Johnson, J. H. 
Jones, J. M. 
Julian, E. H. 
Julian, John 
Kale, John P 

Keith, J. C. 
Killingsworth, J. M. 
* Kirkland, Elzy ; wounded at Chick 

Knox, Z. 
Lewis, G. Wl 
Lewis, Joe 
Lockhart, Wesley 

Lockhart, C. H. 

Lott, J. T. 

Matthews, T. C. ; wounded at Ma- Simpson, L. 

nassas Slatter, L. J. 

Matthews, W. H. ; wounded at Gettys- Smith, J. W 

burg Manassas 

Note — Those marked with a * were at the surrender of the army at 
Appomattox, Va., April 9, 1865. 

wounded at Second 


Smith, J. P.; wounded at Gaines* Turner, C. H. 

Farm * Waldrep, S. D.; wounded at Gaines' 
South, N. J. Farm and Wilderness 
Speights, C. A. Walker, J. A. - 
* Stevenson, U. P. Walker, W. A.; killed at Sharps- 
Sterling, M. burg 

Sterling, John Ward, W. J.; died from wounds 

Stevens, Ike received at Second Manassas 

Stevens, John W. Wiley, Nelse; killed at Wilderness 

Stewart, Wiley; wounded at Second Wilson, H. W. 

Manassas Wilson, J. B.; died from wounds 

Suttles, Ike received at Freeman's Ford 

Towns, J. R. * Young, W. B.; wounded at the 

Treadway, Dick Wilderness and Fort Harrison 
Turner, W. H. 

* Note — Those marked with a * were at the surrender of the army at 
Appomattox, Va., April 9, 1865. 

ROIEhq IE E51 


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